{"id":2863,"date":"2018-05-23T12:27:26","date_gmt":"2018-05-23T12:27:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/catapa.be\/?page_id=2863"},"modified":"2022-05-28T13:05:10","modified_gmt":"2022-05-28T11:05:10","slug":"peru","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/catapa.be\/en\/cases\/peru\/","title":{"rendered":"Peru"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"wpb-content-wrapper\"><p>[vc_row][vc_column][vc_cta h2=&#8221;\u201cA Peruvian is a beggar sitting on a mountain of gold\u201d&#8221; h4=&#8221;is a well-known saying. The soil abounds with resources and yet it does not benefit a large part of the population. The enormous expansion of extractive operations has a huge socio-cultural, economic and ecologic impact.&#8221; style=&#8221;custom&#8221; custom_background=&#8221;#01a053&#8243; custom_text=&#8221;#ffffff&#8221;][\/vc_cta][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row full_width=&#8221;stretch_row&#8221; css=&#8221;.vc_custom_1535454810701{background-color: #efefef !important;}&#8221; el_id=&#8221;table-of-contents&#8221;][vc_column width=&#8221;1\/2&#8243;][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<h2>Table of contents<\/h2>\n<p><a href=\"#mining-in-peru\">Mining in Peru<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#yanacocha\">Yanacocha<\/a><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><a href=\"#a-commercial-dispute\">A commercial dispute<\/a><\/li>\n<li><a href=\"#land-conflicts-and-pollution-in-cajamarca\">Land conflicts and pollution in Cajamarca<\/a><\/li>\n<li><a href=\"#structural-tax-evasion\">Structural tax evasion<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><a href=\"#conga\">Conga<\/a><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><a href=\"#criminalisation-of-the-protest\">Criminalisation of the protest<\/a><\/li>\n<li><a href=\"#maxima-acu\u00f1a\">M\u00e1xima Acu\u00f1a<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><a href=\"#the-copper-corridor\">The copper corridor<\/a><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><a href=\"#michiquillay\">Michiquillay<\/a><\/li>\n<li><a href=\"#shahuindo\">Shahuindo<\/a><\/li>\n<li><a href=\"#rio-blanco\">R\u00edo Blanco<\/a><span class=\"caption left\"><br \/>\n<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][vc_column width=&#8221;1\/2&#8243;][vc_gmaps link=&#8221;#E-8_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&#8221; title=&#8221;Cajamarca, Peru&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row full_width=&#8221;stretch_row&#8221; el_id=&#8221;mining-in-peru&#8221; css=&#8221;.vc_custom_1563873907229{background-color: #009c55 !important;background-position: center !important;background-repeat: no-repeat !important;background-size: cover !important;}&#8221;][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=&#8221;Mining in Peru&#8221; font_container=&#8221;tag:h1|font_size:50|text_align:left|color:%23ffffff&#8221; google_fonts=&#8221;font_family:Quicksand%3A300%2Cregular%2C700|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Peru has a long mining history dating back to the pre-Inca era. In the first few centuries of colonization, substantial quantities of gold, silver and mercury were mined. In the early 17th century, the major silver mines were almost depleted.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of Peru\u2019s long-standing mining history, the sector has really boomed since the early 1990s. The reason, however, is not the discovery of new deposits. It is the combination of high prices for raw materials and new mining technologies allowing for the exploitation of previously inaccessible or economically unprofitable areas, together with institutional reforms of both the mining sector and the overall economy, that have made mining in Peru so appealing to investors.<\/p>\n<p>The extractive sector started to play a decisive role in economic growth, supported until today by foreign investment and an export-oriented economy. Consecutive governments have since continued to enhance Peru\u2019s profile as a pa\u00eds minero with a view to acquiring fresh capital for the national economy.<\/p>\n<p>Today, Peru is still a mining superpower. Mining accounts for about 60 per cent of exports and is the country\u2019s major source of foreign currency. Peru is the world\u2019s second producer of silver and the sixth producer of gold, and is second only to Chile when it comes to the world\u2019s copper reserves. The five major mining multinationals worldwide (Glencore, BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto, Vale and Anglo American) all operate in Peru.<\/p>\n<p>In spite of the huge investments in the country, its mineral wealth does not have the hoped for effects. \u201cA Peruvian is a beggar sitting on a mountain of gold\u201d \u00a0is a well-known \u00a0saying. The soil abounds with resources and yet it does not benefit a large part of the population. The enormous expansion of extractive operations has a huge socio-cultural, economic and ecologic impact. At the end of 2014, over 25.7 million hectares of Peru\u2019s territory were granted as mining concessions, corresponding with 20% of the country\u2019s area! As early as 1999, about 55% of the 6000 peasant communities were somehow affected by mining activities.<\/p>\n<p>Mining is now expanding into areas traditionally inhabited by indigenous peasant communities.\u00a0It is \u00a0threatening their \u00a0traditional ways of life based on agriculture and stock breeding. Besides, there is a notable expansion of mining into areas with vulnerable ecosystems such as the highland paramos, which are crucial to the water supply of farming lands and the local population, as well as of lower towns and the dry coastal region.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the territories where mining concessions were granted often have a cultural and historic value for their inhabitants. Not surprisingly, mining expansion results in social conflicts and political debates concerning the relation between mining, human rights, environmental aspects and development. \u00a0Despite the high number of social clashes the government fully supports the mining sector.<\/p>\n<p>President Ollanta Humala continues the above mining policy in spite of promises made during his election campaign of a better regulation of the foreign (mining) companies. Indeed, in June 2014 a set of measures was approved that was to weaken environmental and social legal provisions and made a wide range of procedures for companies less stringent. With its main competitor Chile hot on its heels, Peru prefers to remain the mining sector\u2019s best friend.<\/p>\n<p>CATAPA\u2019s Peruvian commitment focuses on two emblematic mining cases in the northern Andes, viz. Conga in Cajamarca and Rio Blanco in Piura. Through our partner organizations we support the local social groups and the population \u00a0who are questioning the unlimited and badly regulated expansion of mining operations. The ecological and social costs of the extraction of ores and minerals are indeed mainly borne by the locals. They are faced with a variety of problems such as water pollution, expropriation of lands, social conflicts and criminal charges against social leaders and protests. \u00a0By supporting our partner organizations and delegating South collaborators to Peru we try to enable the people to make their voice heard.[\/vc_column_text][vc_btn title=&#8221;Back to top&#8221; align=&#8221;left&#8221; i_align=&#8221;right&#8221; i_icon_fontawesome=&#8221;fa fa-chevron-right&#8221; add_icon=&#8221;true&#8221; link=&#8221;url:%23table-of-contents|||&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row full_width=&#8221;stretch_row&#8221; el_id=&#8221;yanacocha&#8221; css=&#8221;.vc_custom_1563873942022{background-color: #009c55 !important;background-position: center !important;background-repeat: no-repeat !important;background-size: cover !important;}&#8221;][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=&#8221;Yanacocha&#8221; font_container=&#8221;tag:h1|font_size:50|text_align:left|color:%23ffffff&#8221; google_fonts=&#8221;font_family:Quicksand%3A300%2Cregular%2C700|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]In 1992, the Yanacocha Mining Project near the town of Cajamarca \u00a0was started by Minera Yanacocha S.R.L., a then joint-venture of the American Newmont Mining company, the Peruvian Compa\u00f1ia de Minas Buenaventura, the French state company Bureau de Recherches G\u00e9ologiques et Mini\u00e8res and the International Finance Corporation. The Yanacocha gold mine, currently still operating and accounting for the production of over 736 tons of gold, made a relatively quiet start. The population hoped that the mine would bring economic prosperity to this impoverished region \u2013 as it had been repeatedly promised \u2013 kept the population relatively calm. At that time, Cajamarca was the fourth pourest department of Peru. Today (2008) it is the region with the highest extreme poverty rate in the country.[\/vc_column_text][vc_tta_tour][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;A commercial dispute&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;a-commercial-dispute&#8221;][vc_column_text]After the French state enterprise BRGM decided to merge with the Australian mining company Normandy Poseidon, which was a major competitor of Newmont Mining, the American mining multinational decided together with their Peruvian partner Buenaventura to oppose the sale. They sued BRGM and claimed they had a right to veto the sale.<\/p>\n<p>After years of lobbying and a political tug-of-war between the parties, the Peruvian Supreme Court ruled in favour of Newmont and Buenaventura in June 2000. Both were awarded the BRGM share, representing USD 109.7 million. \u00a0In 2000, it was dragged into the light that Montesinos, president Fujimori\u2019s major advisor, <a href=\"http:\/\/archive.nytimes.com\/www.nytimes.com\/packages\/khtml\/2005\/10\/25\/international\/20051025_GOLD_FEATURE.html\">had secretly video-recorded his talks with judges and consultants involved in the Yanacocha case. The large-scale corruption and fraud was thus revealed resulting in \u00a0president Fujimori\u2019s downfall.<\/a>\u00a0Mining in Peru is a state interest. The commercial dispute concerning the ownership of the Yanacocha gold mine clearly shows how intricately tangled the political and economic elites are and what the ensuing perverse effects are. At the national and international levels, this case severely damaged the Minera Yanacocha and the Peruvian policy makers\u2019 reputation<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;Land conflicts and pollution in Cajamarca&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;land-conflicts-and-pollution-in-cajamarca&#8221;][vc_column_text]In Cajamarca, too, clash came after clash.\u00a0 The Cajamarca land conflicts were the result of the company\u2019s deliberate expropriation \u00a0strategy. Between 1992 and 2000, Yanacocha purchased over 11 000 hectares of land for approximately US $5 million. The company encouraged the dismantling of traditional patterns of land-tenure and \u00a0the parcelization and privatization of lands. The new private owners were \u00a0under pressure to sell their land, \u00a0with state-sanctioned expropriation as a threat. Land tenants who were not owners, lost access to their grounds. No compensation was awarded. Between 1992 and 1996 land prices in the vicinity of the mine rose by 600%. A large number of owners and communities felt betrayed and protested in order to enforce additional compensation.<\/p>\n<p>In 1994, there were several land disputes and reported pollution by Yanacocha; between 1997 and 1998 the first collisions happened as a result of the loss of irrigation canals and the drying up of mountain lakes,\u00a0and 2000 was the year of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=cr-txUv0Zpo\">Choropampa<\/a> disaster.<\/p>\n<p>The environmental and health effects of pollution became apparent for example in the death of large numbers of trout in the region\u2019s fish farms. In 2002, in the village of Granja Porc\u00f3n, 36 700 trout were killed after mining sediments had leaked into the fish farm. Another sad \u2018climax\u2019 in Yanacocha\u2019s history happened in 2000 when a truck contracted by Yanacocha Mines spilled 150 kilos of mercury along a 43-kilometer stretch of road through the towns of Choropampa and San Juan. Over 900 inhabitants were poisoned and suffered from kidney pains, respiration problems, skin rashes and vision impairment.\u00a0At first, Yanacocha tried to play down the incident and denied all responsibility. \u00a0The company was accused and at last paid damages through an alternative dispute resolution but without accepting full responsibility. To Yanacocha the incident was closed but <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=V7bz2O2lils\">the victims\u2019 health problems will last for years to come<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Protest and dissatisfaction in Cajamarca were growing. In 2004, over 10 000 people from the region demonstrated against the expansion of the mine to Cerro Quilish, a mountain of extreme importance to the water supply of Cajamarca, with at least a temporary success, i.e. Yanacoha had to remove Quilish from its exploration plans.<\/p>\n<p>In August 2006, protests broke out against the expansion of the Carachugo pit, where Yanacocha intended to build a new dam. The residents of Combayo feared the contamination of their water and complained of the limited social and economic benefits of the project. The protest led to clashes between the farmers and the police who were aided by private Yanacocha security officers. In the clash, leader Isidro Llanos was shot dead and several people were wounded. In November 2006, farmer and environmentalist Edmundo Becerra Corina was murdered by 15 bullets, a few days prior to his meeting with representatives of the Ministry of Energy and Mines. He had received a number of death threats before<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;Structural tax evasion&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;structural-tax-evasion&#8221;][vc_column_text]<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A recent report revealed that mining firm Yanacocha had evaded taxes for years on end. In his investigation &#8216;<a href=\"http:\/\/www.latindadd.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/10\/ElcasoYanacocha.pdf\">La Gran Miner\u00eda: paga los impuestos que deber\u00eda pagar? El caso Yanacocha<\/a>&#8216; journalist Ra\u00fal Wiener revealed how since 2006 Yanacocha had increasingly inflated its accounting costs in order to dramatically reduce its taxable earnings. From further investigations it appeared that especially indirect costs, which can be less easily traced back to actual production costs, \u00a0had risen sharply. Despite the high prices paid for gold and copper in recent years, the company\u2019s profits systematically decreased. In 2013 Yanacocha even reported a loss. Thus the company succeeded in saving millions.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_tour][vc_btn title=&#8221;Back to top&#8221; align=&#8221;left&#8221; i_align=&#8221;right&#8221; i_icon_fontawesome=&#8221;fa fa-chevron-right&#8221; add_icon=&#8221;true&#8221; link=&#8221;url:%23table-of-contents|||&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row full_width=&#8221;stretch_row&#8221; el_id=&#8221;conga&#8221; css=&#8221;.vc_custom_1563874269323{background-color: #009c55 !important;background-position: center !important;background-repeat: no-repeat !important;background-size: cover !important;}&#8221;][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=&#8221;Conga&#8221; font_container=&#8221;tag:h1|font_size:50|text_align:left|color:%23ffffff&#8221; google_fonts=&#8221;font_family:Quicksand%3A300%2Cregular%2C700|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\">&#8212;&#8211;THE TEXT IN ENGLISH WILL BE AVAILABLE SOON&#8212;&#8211;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Het\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">grootste uitbreidingsplan van het mijnbouwbedrijf Yanacocha blijft tot op vandaag (2018) onuitgevoerd. Reeds in de jaren \u201890 begon het bedrijf al gronden op te kopen rond de hooglandmeren van Conga, die naam gaven aan het project. Pas vanaf 2010, wanneer het oorspronkelijke milieueffectenrapport wordt goedgekeurd. De lange geschiedenis van milieuvervuiling en mensenrechtenschendingen door het bedrijf vormt de voedingsbodem voor het sociaal conflict dat zich ontwikkelde rond het Conga project. In het najaar van 2011 groeide het lokale protest uit tot massaal verzet. De verschillende lokale anti-mijnbouwprotesten van rechtstreeks geaffecteerde gemeenschappen kwamen samen in een regionaal bewustzijn, waarbij ook de stadsbewoners zich betrokken voelen. Boerenorganisaties en andere sociale bewegingen, gesteund door de regionale overheid van Cajamarca en het brede middenveld in Peru, hebben hun vertrouwen in het mijnbouwbedrijf Yanacocha verloren. \u2018Conga no va!\u2019 vormt zonder twijfel het grootste protest in de geschiedenis van de streek waar bijna 500 jaar geleden <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">conquistador <\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pizarro en Inca Atahualpa tegenover elkaar stonden.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">De reactie van de regering was hardhandig. De noodtoestand werd meermaals afgekondigd en de streek werd gemilitariseerd. Dit resulteerde onder meer in 5 dodelijke slachtoffers in juli 2012 in de provincie Celend\u00edn. Datzelfde jaar werd een historische \u2018Marcha del Agua\u2019 gehouden op de hoofdstad, Lima, waar duizenden mensen samen kwamen voor het recht op water. Conga werd zo een nationaal symbooldossier voor de grootschalige mijnbouwproblematiek in het land en in gans Latijns-Amerika, en resoneert tot ver daarbuiten.<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][vc_tta_tour style=&#8221;modern&#8221; active_section=&#8221;1&#8243; no_fill_content_area=&#8221;true&#8221;][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;Criminalisation of the protest&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;criminalisation-of-the-protest&#8221;][vc_column_text]The opposition to the Conga protest is widely supported. Not only communities that might possibly be affected are taking to the streets, but also those beyond the \u2018impact zone\u2019 are voicing their opposition in large numbers. A small-scale IPSOS enquiry in 2012 revealed that only 15% of the respondents wish the project to be implemented whilst as many as 78% were against the exploitation of Conga. In rural areas the percentage swells to 83%.\u00a0<span class=\"caption left\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/sites\/default\/files\/resize\/wysiwyg\/users\/user89\/congappt-500x226.jpg?resize=500%2C226\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"226\" \/><\/span>In other words, \u2018the 5-billion dollar project\u2019 hardly finds local support. Regional policymakers are in a similar frame of mind. Gregorio Santos, regional president of Cajamarca openly opposes the project and is therefore a thorn in the flesh of the central government in Lima. Thus, the Conga protest has become a national protest in Peru, a country with over 200 mining-related social conflicts.<\/p>\n<p>Since investments in Conga are huge and the scale of the protest was immense, the opposition was and is felt by the central government to be highly problematic. From the first protests in the fall of 2011 up to today \u00a0efforts have been made to suppress the protest in Cajamarca in a harsh and illegal way. Criminalization of social protest in Cajamarca took and is taking place in a variety of ways, and \u00a0can therefore illustrate the various methods used by any government to subdue undesirable dissent.<\/p>\n<p>When considering the criminalization of social protest, a distinction can be made between the role played by the state and the private company\u2019s role.<\/p>\n<p>Criminalization by the state can be orchestrated at various levels: by state security forces in the way they respond to social protest; by prosecutors and judges in the way existing laws are applied or interpreted and by legislators in the way new laws are created or adapted.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Arbitrary use of existing legal framework to criminalize protesters. This includes charging social leaders or protesters with \u2018public intimidation\u2019, \u2018incitement to violence\u2019, \u2018terrorism\u2019, \u2018kidnapping\u2019\u2026 These terms are often defined so broadly in the penal code, that they are open to arbitrary interpretation by judges.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>\u21d2 An example from\u00a0Cajamarca<\/strong>: At the end of 2012, 15 lawsuits had been filed against a number of people \u00a0by the state and\/or Minera Yanacocha. As a result, more than 94 individuals were summoned for a wide range of offences: impeding public transport, damage to properties, coercion, restriction of personal freedom, violence (against the authorities)\u2026<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Criminalisation in breach of legal framework. Often, a state will take measures which abuse human rights and in doing so it breaches its own legal framework. Examples are repression and use of violence, militarization of a region, arbitrary arrests without any immediate cause, threatening social leaders, \u00a0defamation of key figures of the protest (often through media channels),\u2026<span class=\"caption right\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/sites\/default\/files\/wysiwyg\/users\/user89\/imagesgbnf9pfg.jpg?resize=275%2C183\" alt=\"\" width=\"275\" height=\"183\" \/><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>\u21d2 An example from Cajamarca<\/strong>: Right from the start of the protests against Conga excessive brutality was used. \u00a0 During a convergence of protesters on 29 November 2011 in the area of the mountain lakes, DINOES, a special unit of the Peruvian police, \u00a0opened fire on protesters. A number of people were seriously injured . Marino Rodriguez, a key figure in the protest, \u00a0lost an eye. Elmer Campos got paralyzed in his legs and has been confined to a wheelchair up to today.<\/p>\n<p>Early 2012, the protest movement gathered momentum and led to plenty of actions in the town of Cajamarca, which resulted in a regional strike in June 2012. City life was halted for 34 days. Residents of a number of surrounding municipalities came down to the city to express their dissatisfaction with Conga and the Peruvian government. The strike was harshly suppressed. The toll of this police brutality was numerous injured people and 5 deaths, one of them a minor.<\/p>\n<p>The day after the fatal \u2018incidents\u2019 the state of emergency was declared. This strategy is frequently used by the Peruvian government and functions as a license to militarize the region. This way, numerous civil rights such as the right to freedom of assembly and association were abused and the right to peaceful protest was weakened. Video recordings of the protest actions clearly show excessive police brutality, which was \u00a0confirmed by numerous witnesses. The police were said to have shot from a helicopter.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Smear campaigns and arbitrary arrests<\/strong>\u00a0Often real smear campaigns are staged in order to delegitimize the social leaders of the protest.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u21d2<\/strong>\u00a0<strong>An example from Cajamarca<\/strong>: the smear campaign against former priest and social leader Marco Arana grew to massive proportions. Marco Arana functioned as an intermediary for the local population and for social movements during the Cerro Quilish conflict in 2004 \u00a0and is still the spokesman of the resistance in Cajamarca. Being the leading enemy of Yanacocha his life was repeatedly threatened and he suffered frequent attacks. A documentary on this smear campaign won international acclaim. \u2018Operaci\u00f3n Diablo\u2019 is indeed an impressive account of the threats and defamation Marco Arana had to suffer. Watch the trailer <a href=\"https:\/\/vimeo.com\/10208540\">here<\/a>.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Finally, a state will also adapt the legal framework to criminalize acts of social protest. One objective is to secure impunity for police and army personnel, another is to facilitate military intervention.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>\u21d2\u00a0<u>An example from Cajamarca<\/u><\/strong>: Already during Alejandro Toledo\u2019s presidency a legal basis was provided to enable the Peruvian government to crush undesirable protest faster and more thoroughly. It was Toledo who, among other things, increased sanctions for the disruption of public services. Alan Garc\u00eda, \u00a0President from 2006 till 2011, moved on along similar lines. He thwarted the work of many NGOs and decreed a law guaranteeing impunity for armed and security forces.<\/p>\n<p>A police officer, who \u2018while fulfilling his duties and using his weapon correctly\u2019 (fatally) injures a person, cannot be held responsible, the law says. Today\u2019s president Ollanta Humala recently took this even further. The above law concerning the use of police violence during conflicts will soon be adapted and allow a police or military officer to use \u2018arms other than those prescribed by their duties\u2019. Besides, the law will no longer mention that police or military personnel will have to use their weapons in line with regulations.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;M\u00e1xima Acu\u00f1a&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;maxima-acu\u00f1a&#8221;][vc_column_text]Companies benefit from the criminalization of social protest. Indeed, their project can go ahead faster as resistance will not be tolerated. Often, companies themselves will undertake actions and so take part in the criminalization strategy. \u00a0A distinction can be made between:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Repeated accusations of opponents to their project;<\/li>\n<li>Engaging armed forces and dubious security firms to protect company property. These are often state or paramilitary forces. In Peru, private security \u00a0firms are allowed to hire police officers (in their leisure time).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong>\u21d2<\/strong><span class=\"caption left\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/sites\/default\/files\/wysiwyg\/users\/user89\/maximaacuna.jpg?resize=295%2C171\" alt=\"\" width=\"295\" height=\"171\" \/><\/span><strong><u>\u00a0Example from Cajamarca<\/u><\/strong>: M\u00e1xima Acu\u00f1a de Chaupe, a woman farmer living in the concession zone and who became the symbol of the opposition to Yanacocha and the Conga project, was repeatedly harassed by the company. In February, 2015 the Yanacocha security service, accompanied by DINOES, the special police unit, intruded on her property. Some 200 police were present. They fired their guns in the air, but physical violence did not happen. The foundations of a house the family are building there, were destroyed. After a 4-year lawsuit the Cajamarca Court decided, in December 2014, that Yanacocha\u2019s claim to Tragadero Grande was unfounded. The land is property of the Chaupe family, who have \u00a0for years been violently intimidated by the Yanacocha company, its private security personnel, the Peruvian police and the DINOES. \u00a0The land concerned prevents Yanacocha to carry out its mega project Conga, which would lead to the destruction of headwaters in the highlands. In spite of the recent verdict, the company keeps accusing the Chaupe family of usurpation. In a press release Yanacocha claims that the family\u2019s house is being built outside the family\u2019s land \u00a0and that they themselves are peacefully defending their own property[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_tour][vc_btn title=&#8221;Back to top&#8221; align=&#8221;left&#8221; i_align=&#8221;right&#8221; i_icon_fontawesome=&#8221;fa fa-chevron-right&#8221; add_icon=&#8221;true&#8221; link=&#8221;url:%23table-of-contents|||&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row full_width=&#8221;stretch_row&#8221; css=&#8221;.vc_custom_1563874354289{background-color: #009c55 !important;background-position: center !important;background-repeat: no-repeat !important;background-size: cover !important;}&#8221; el_id=&#8221;the-copper-corridor&#8221;][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=&#8221;The copper corridor&#8221; font_container=&#8221;tag:h1|font_size:50|text_align:left|color:%23ffffff&#8221; google_fonts=&#8221;font_family:Quicksand%3A300%2Cregular%2C700|font_style:400%20regular%3A400%3Anormal&#8221; el_id=&#8221;International arbitration&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_tta_tour style=&#8221;modern&#8221; active_section=&#8221;1&#8243; no_fill_content_area=&#8221;true&#8221;][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;Michiquillay&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;michiquillay&#8221;][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n<h2>Background information<\/h2>\n<h3>Public Tender<\/h3>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ten companies applied for the $2 billion Michiquillay copper project in Cajamarca, Northern Peru. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Peru\u2019s government says the project <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">will need an investment of around $2 billion to develop. Only two pre-selected companies presented their economic proposal.<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Southern, controlled by Grupo Mexico SAB de CV, won with a proposal to transfer $400 million to the government and pay 3% royalties, beating out Compania Minera Milpo, which had offered $250 million in transfers and 1.875% royalties. Southern\u2019s chief executive told Reuters that Michiquillay has arsenic impurities, requiring a \u201cslightly higher\u201d investment to clean up the area.<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And thus, Southern Copper Corp was declared the winner on February 20<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">th<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 2018. The auction &#8211; Peru\u2019s first in at least a decade &#8211; was delayed twice last year, in part due to political turmoil that has buffeted President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Peru is the world&#8217;s second biggest copper producer behind Chile with annual output of 2.4m tons of the orange metal.<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mineral resources at Michiquillay are estimated at 1.159 billion tons of copper with an average grade of 0.629% and a cut-off of 0.4% copper. Analysts say Michiquillay could add 0.5 percentage point to Peru\u2019s annual economic growth in coming years. The area will exist of 4,050 acres between Sorocucho, Enca\u00f1ada and Sucre. And thus, miners will need to appease nearby villagers in the Cajamarca region, which is prone to conflicts over natural resources.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As a respons to that, half of Southern\u2019s transfer payment (<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">200 millon dollars!)<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">will go to <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the Michiquillay Social Fund<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, a fund dedicated to the implementation of social and sustainable development projects in the area. The government has assured villagers that the project would not affect water supplies. As it is remembered, the first company to be awarded the Michiquillay copper project was Anglo American (exploitation for 5 years from 2008 onwards),<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the same company that also left more than 200 million dollars to the Michiquillay Social Fund, that is, this organization in total must manage more than 400 million dollars, which is 16 times more than the base price set by Proinversi\u00f3n (US $25 million).<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Michiquillay Social Fund will be supervised by two representatives from Southern Peru, two representatives from the communities and one from the State.<\/span><\/p>\n<h2>Southern &#8211; Who are we dealing with?<\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Southern Copper Corporation Peru (SPCC) was founded in 1952. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1999, Grupo M\u00e9xico Asarco acquired 54.2% of the shares, with which the Mexican company was responsible for the mining activities of SPCC in Peru. Despite the new owners, the company has not changed the name because of strategy. At the beginning of the second quarter of 2005, SPCC merged with Minera M\u00e9xico and its subsidiaries. So SPCC has been active in Peru for more than 60 years. Southern always worked in the South part of Peru., for instance in<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Toquepala en Cuajone, two open pit mines with copper, silver, molybdeen and gold, and also a metallurgic complex in Ilo. Next to that, it takes part in three mine explorations, such as T\u00eda Mar\u00eda.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Southern has a history of polluting the environment. When Southern was commissioned in the 1950s, it seriously polluted the coast as a result of its melting processes and the formation of residues. At least the Ilo valley was polluted due to the toxic emissions. From 1960 to 1996, 785 million tons of mining waste was dumped in the Tacne\u00f1a Bay of 36 years of infection that they have not been able to reverse. In 1996 the company started the operations of the &#8220;Los Chancas&#8221; project, in the Tapairihua district, Aymaraes province, Apur\u00edmac. This project generates a series of effects in Quichque and neighboring communities. They built access roads that destroyed farmland and weakened soils that caused landslides during the rains that eventually buried the primary school, chapel and houses in the Quichque area. They installed water pumps in order to bring water to the drilling machines, which contaminated the water that irrigates the natural meadows. Although the company suggested to compensate the damage, it never happened. In 2011 they announced the project T\u00eda Mar\u00eda in the Islay-Arequipa province, which aims to process copper oxides. Unops (UN agency) made 138 observations when assessing the MEB of the project, which indicated, among other things, that there was no hydrogeological investigation (water and soil) despite the fact that they intended to work. Next to that, and even worse, five people were killed and dozens hurt in the protest.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\n<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In 2013, the Ministry of Environment and Ecology of the provincial municipality of Ilo discovered an index of pollution by sulfur dioxide (SO) in the Ilo smelter. The SO level reached 190 \u03bcg \/ m (micrograms per cubic meter) in the area where the Southern smelter is located (the maximum permissible limit is 80 \u03bcg \/ m3). In its defense, SPCC did not meet the 2008 standard, which set a maximum limit of 80 ug\/m3, since that standard was not regulated. In 2014, the Environmental Assessment and Enforcement Agency (OEFA) sanctioned the SPCC&#8217;s business with 204 OFF for 16 incidents related to improper handling of solid waste, hazardous waste, and a large number of expelled gaseous particles, among others. In January 2015, the public prosecutor&#8217;s office for the prevention of crime and the environment asked for a two-year and six-month penalty for \u00d3scar Gonz\u00e1lez Rocha, president of Southern Peru, and the payment of civil damages for a million dollars, for the alleged crime of pollution, have issued emissions exceeding the maximum permissible limits in the emission of arsenic particles and by dumping contaminated water into the sea. In January 2018, residents of Moquegua mobilized, denouncing that this company continues to pollute the Torata River with its operations &#8211; where the water discharges, noting that high concentrations of toxic metals have been detected, so they asked for an investigation of the done.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Also in other parts of the world this company cause a lot of contamination. Grupo M\u00e9xico, the most important owner of Southern, has a strong record of contamination issues, such as the explosion in the coal mine at Pasta de Conchos, Coahuila, Mexico, which caused 65 miners to be buried, a fact that took place in 2006. Or the spillage of 40,000 cubic meters of acidified copper sulfate from the Buenavista mine in 2014, considered the most serious pollution event in the history of Mexico. Moreover, in 2015 Grupo M\u00e9xico paid a fine of 23 million 565,938 Mexican pesos, due to more than 50 irregularities against the environmental regulatory framework.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it is clear that the long history of conflicts in this company is found in different places, where similar patterns of behavior are rejected that show a bad relationship with local communities, which has led to deep distrust and a lot of social conflicts.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">They could no longer deny their way of handling things and accepted it as \u2018mistakes\u2019. Carlos Aranda, technical manager of Southern, said: &#8220;When we did the work, we didn\u2019t do it the right way the first time. Let\u2019s be honest: the people thought we were very arrogant&#8221;. Because of the problems, some of their projects were suspended.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">With all this background, this company was chosen for the Michiquillay-project. So we have all reasons to be concerned\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both the governor of<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Cajamarca, Porfirio Medina V\u00e1squez<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and the leader of the &#8216;rondas campesinas&#8217;, Ydelso Hernandez, agreed that &#8220;we are repeating the failed formulas that have not yielded results in the implementation of new mining projects, and the State wants to impose it on the mackerel, for this reason the people have the right to protest.&#8221;<\/span><\/p>\n<h2>Protest<\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There have been agreements between ProInversi\u00f3n and Jesus Diaz Casahuaman. Although a leader of the farming community Michiquillay, he is in favor of the mine.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On Wednesday March 7, 2018, the community members of Polloc, La Enaca\u00f1ada and Namora published a press release, in the name of Marcos Aguilar Ortiz, president of the sector Michiquillay, \u00a0to announce that they have not been called together to participate in any bidding process of the Michiquillay mining project:<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;We clarify that what President of the peasant community Jesus Diaz Casahuaman and other people who do not live in the community say that the Michiquillay mining project is socialized, is totally false.&#8221;<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;We communicate to the public in general and to the media not to be surprised by the versions of Jesus Diaz Casahuaman since he has been declared persona non grata by our population and is involved in the irregularities of the Michiquillay Social Fund, which is included in the audit reports.&#8221;<\/span><\/p>\n<h2>Personal observation and information<\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We observe that the protest against Michiquillay is at the moment not that strong, in comparison with the protest against Conga in 2011-2012.. Environmentalists say that this is mainly because local people were kept quiet because they were offered jobs, money for studies, and water supplies. One project in a local community existed of the construction of water tanks with solar panels to create showers for the people. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\n<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">People tell us that lands were bought from locals and depending on the location and the importance for the mining company, the price varied. This divides the local communities. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><br \/>\n<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As, at the moment, locals are not yet feeling the negative ecological impact, and the minds are kept calm with money, no strong protest has developed. It is expected though, that protest will be stronger than the CONGA protest once the negative effects start to show\u2026<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;Shahuindo&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;shahuindo&#8221;][vc_column_text]<span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Shahuindo open pit mine is a relatively new mine, located in the valley of Condebamba in the Cajabamba province (south of Cajamarca). Condebamba is a magnificent green valley, full of avocado trees, corn fields, guinea pig farms and other fruit and vegetable fields. In 2013 the Canadian company Tahoe Per\u00fa Shahuindo began constructing the mine and in 2016 started the exploitation. The mine processes on average 36,000 tons per day. Each ton contains about 0.515 grams of gold and 7.10 grams of silver.<\/span><\/p>\n<h3><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Chemical leak<\/span><\/h3>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In January 28<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">th<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 2018, an enormous leak appeared in one of the waste points of the mine. A chemical mixture flowed towards the valley, polluting the water and destroying whole fields. The odour was noticeable from afar and children and elderly people experienced health problems. The authorities arrived and registered the incidence, but no concrete solution followed. The responsible company washed its hands in innocence by describing it as &#8220;a natural phenomenon&#8221;. According to them the cause was the heavy rain during that wet season.<\/span><\/p>\n<h3><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Protest<\/span><\/h3>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the struggle against the Yanacocha mine raged firmly in 2012 and the protest focused mainly against the enlargement (see Conga), another mining company benefited by making a silent entry into the nearby valley. And the local population? They were set aside and must bear the consequences. The mine requires a lot of water, which creates a major shortage for the agricultural activities and households of the local communities. As a compensation, each house gets a water tank in front of the door, but that is just a plaster on the wound.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The mining company Tahoe wants to relocate the entire village of Chorobamba in order to create offices and a cafeteria for their staff. This means that the local population must leave their valuable fields and houses. Chorobamba, legally recognized since 1973 and a flourishing farming community for many years, did not want to give up. In response to this disobedience, the police took action. On December 15th 2017, the fields were destroyed: avocado trees, that have been flowering and growing for thirty years, felt into the ground in one day. Houses were destroyed, corn and guinea pigs stolen. On January 4th 2018, armed men re-entered the community. The result: five wounded, of which three in the hospital and one still in coma to this day<\/span>.<\/p>\n<h3><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Strong together<\/span><\/h3>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">T<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">he residents fear now that these threats will increase until the mine gets what it wants. Therefore they want to give a clear and powerful answer. Together they are strong! So on 15<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">th<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of January 2018 the various farming communities of the valley were convened. The situation was extensively discussed throughout a whole day. Speeches, some quiet moments, others full of passion and anger, followed each other in quick succession. The speakers called on the people to unite, to take matters into their own hands and to demand their rights.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It still has to be seen what the protest is going to achieve this time. Is the project going to be shut down like Conga or is the mining going to continue relentlessly? Will the government handle it differently and listen to the local people this time? In the interest of economic growht, human rights are often trampled. Dismantling mining completely seems an illusion today. However, it would be a big step forward for mining companies and governments to not only take economic interests first, but also to embrace the local population and ecological justice.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Together with partner organization GRUFIDES, we will continue to follow up the case.<\/span>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=&#8221;R\u00edo Blanco&#8221; tab_id=&#8221;rio-blanco&#8221;][vc_column_text]<span class=\"caption none\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/sites\/default\/files\/wysiwyg\/Cases\/Peru\/peru_rioblanco_panorama.jpg?resize=640%2C168\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"168\" \/><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The Rio Blanco project is now in its exploration phase, which means that the exploitation phase has not started yet.<\/p>\n<p>The Rio Blanco project is located in the North of Peru, on the border with Ecuador. It is located in the Piura region, on the banks of the Rio Blanco. The mining concession expands to parts of the province Huancabamba, in El Carmen de la Frontera district, and to the neighbouring province of Ayabaca, in its district and on the territory of the Yanta community.<span class=\"caption right\"><img data-recalc-dims=\"1\" loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright\" src=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/sites\/default\/files\/wysiwyg\/Cases\/Peru\/peru_rioblanco.jpg?resize=259%2C194\" alt=\"\" width=\"259\" height=\"194\" \/><\/span><\/p>\n<p>The downstream provinces of Jaen and San Ignacio, in the department of Cajamarco, will also be affected.<\/p>\n<p>This region at the border of Peru and Ecuador is characterised by a unique ecosystem and a great biodiversity. These ecosystems are very important for the local water supply, and small-scale farmers and animal husbandry in lower areas depend on it. The dry coastal areas in Piura also depend on this water, which is collected and filtered by the P\u00e1ramos. The area also constitutes a catchment for several rivers.<\/p>\n<p>The concession covers over 6,000 hectares. The mining company would like to build a large open-pit mine of 400 hectares in this area. It is, according to the company, one of the largest unexploited copper reserves in the world, but if Minera Majaz (the name of the Rio Blanco copper project) comes to birth, it will provide 220,000 tons of copper, and about 2,500 tons of molybdenum. The ore will be extracted from the rocks through froth flotation. The open-pit mine will probably be the beginning of a larger \u201cmining district\u201d in the region.<\/p>\n<p>After strong protests but also human rights violations, 89.9% of the capital owned initially by Moterrico Metals came in the hands of the Chinese corporation Zijin Consortium. The company is one of China\u2019s largest gold and copper mine contractors. Zijin owns or is involved in five overseas mining projects and more than thirty mines in China. The company is internationally criticised for its dubious methods concerning human rights and the environment. The local farming population has organised protests against the planned mine. CATAPA conducted in 2010, along with several local and social organisations in the region, the campaign \u201cMining in Paradise \u2013 no-go zones for mining\u201d \u2013 with Rio Blanco as its central case.<\/p>\n<p>What are the demands of the protest movement?<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>The social organisations and communities of the four provinces affected by the project (Jaen, San Ignacio, Ayabaca, Huancabamba) demand the establishment of a no-go zone for mining, extended to the four provinces.<\/li>\n<li>They want the recognition and respect of the outcome of the referendum. This implies the company has to withdraw its planned mining project in the region. The Ministry of Energy and Mining must revoke the license of the Rio Blanco project, as well as other licenses that go against the will of the people.<\/li>\n<li>They demand intimidations and human rights violations committed by the company and security forces to be punished and the victims compensated.<\/li>\n<li>They demand that their own development model, based on eco-tourism and organic farming, be respected and supported. They demand that provincial governments pump their energy resources in the ecological and economic zoning (ZEE) and for a regional arranging process.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>You can find\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=NZ76E1hqiow&amp;feature=player_embedded\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><strong><em>here<\/em><\/strong>\u00a0<\/a>the campaign video on the case (2010).[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_tour][vc_btn title=&#8221;Back to top&#8221; align=&#8221;left&#8221; i_align=&#8221;right&#8221; i_icon_fontawesome=&#8221;fa fa-chevron-right&#8221; add_icon=&#8221;true&#8221; link=&#8221;url:%23table-of-contents|||&#8221;][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>[vc_row][vc_column][vc_cta h2=&#8221;\u201cA Peruvian is a beggar sitting on a mountain of gold\u201d&#8221; h4=&#8221;is a well-known saying. The soil abounds with resources and yet it does not benefit a large part of the population. The enormous<br \/><a class=\"read-more\" href=\"https:\/\/catapa.be\/en\/cases\/peru\/\">Read More<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"parent":2703,"menu_order":2,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2863","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.8 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Peru - CATAPA vzw<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/catapa.be\/en\/cases\/peru\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Peru - CATAPA vzw\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"[vc_row][vc_column][vc_cta h2=&#8221;\u201cA Peruvian is a beggar sitting on a mountain of gold\u201d&#8221; h4=&#8221;is a well-known saying. The soil abounds with resources and yet it does not benefit a large part of the population. 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In de Andesregio\u2026","rel":"","context":"Similar post","block_context":{"text":"Similar post","link":""},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/wp-content\/uploads\/2023\/10\/Right-to-say-no-250.png?resize=350%2C200&ssl=1","width":350,"height":200},"classes":[]},{"id":3032,"url":"https:\/\/catapa.be\/nl\/doe-mee\/doneer-nu\/","url_meta":{"origin":2863,"position":1},"title":"Doneer nu","author":"Alienor de Sas","date":"20\/05\/2018","format":false,"excerpt":"[vc_row equal_height=\"yes\"][vc_column css_animation=\"none\"][vc_cta h2=\"Steun CATAPA\" h4=\"CATAPA is een groeiende, eigenzinnige en kritische beweging die durft tegen de stroom in te gaan in het belang van een meer duurzame en rechtvaardige planeet. We ondersteunen gemeenschappen in Latijns-Amerika die bedreigd worden door grootschalige mijnbouwprojecten en de sociale en ecologische impact hiervan. Daarnaast\u2026","rel":"","context":"Similar post","block_context":{"text":"Similar post","link":""},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":2700,"url":"https:\/\/catapa.be\/en\/act-now\/make-a-donation\/","url_meta":{"origin":2863,"position":2},"title":"Make a donation","author":"Alienor de Sas","date":"20\/05\/2018","format":false,"excerpt":"[vc_row][vc_column][vc_cta h2=\"Support CATAPA\" h4=\"CATAPA is a growing, opinionated and critical movement that dares to go against the grain for the sake of a more sustainable and just planet. We support communities in Latin America threatened by large-scale mining projects and their social and environmental impact. In addition, as Catapistas, we\u2026","rel":"","context":"Similar post","block_context":{"text":"Similar post","link":""},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":2979,"url":"https:\/\/catapa.be\/es\/actua-ahora\/dona-ahora\/","url_meta":{"origin":2863,"position":3},"title":"Dona ahora","author":"Alienor de Sas","date":"20\/05\/2018","format":false,"excerpt":"[vc_row equal_height=\"yes\"][vc_column css_animation=\"none\"][vc_cta h2=\"Colabora con CATAPA\" h4=\"CATAPA es un movimiento cr\u00edtico y tenaz, en constante crecimiento, que se atreve a luchar por un planeta m\u00e1s sostenible y justo. Desde CATAPA apoyamos sociedades en Latinoam\u00e9rica que se encuentran amenazadas por proyectos mineros masivos y por el impacto social y ecol\u00f3gico de\u2026","rel":"","context":"Similar post","block_context":{"text":"Similar post","link":""},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":2661,"url":"https:\/\/catapa.be\/en\/about-us\/our-history\/","url_meta":{"origin":2863,"position":4},"title":"Our history","author":"Alienor de Sas","date":"20\/05\/2018","format":false,"excerpt":"[vc_row full_width=\"stretch_row\" content_placement=\"middle\"][vc_column][vc_cta h2=\"From BelBol to...\" h4=\"...a horizontal movement with partner organisations in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador and Bolivia; and with plenty of ongoing projects in Flanders, Europe and Latin America.\" style=\"custom\" custom_background=\"#01a053\" custom_text=\"#ffffff\"][\/vc_cta][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row full_width=\"stretch_row\" equal_height=\"yes\" css=\".vc_custom_1535455217709{background-color: #f7f7f7 !important;}\" el_id=\"table-of-contents\"][vc_column css_animation=\"none\" width=\"1\/2\"][vc_column_text css=\".vc_custom_1653735292505{padding-left: 50px !important;}\"] Table of contents 2003-2007: from BelBol\u2026","rel":"","context":"Similar post","block_context":{"text":"Similar post","link":""},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/catapa.be\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/01\/mining-in-paradise-300x300.png?resize=350%2C200","width":350,"height":200},"classes":[]},{"id":701,"url":"https:\/\/catapa.be\/en\/","url_meta":{"origin":2863,"position":5},"title":"Home","author":"Alienor de Sas","date":"20\/05\/2011","format":false,"excerpt":"[vc_row full_width=\"stretch_row\"][vc_column][vc_cta h2=\"The right to say 'no'\" txt_align=\"center\" shape=\"square\" add_button=\"bottom\" btn_title=\"Support the campaign\" btn_color=\"orange\" btn_align=\"center\" btn_link=\"url:https%3A%2F%2Fcatapa.be%2Fen%2Fhow-we-work%2Fcatapa-campaigns-and-projects%2Fright-to-say-no|title:The%20right%20to%20say%20'no'\"]We support communities' right to say 'no' to mining and the system that makes mining necessary. 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