Linking the Bolivian minerals to the European Industry

Executive Summary:

Linking the Bolivian Minerals to the European Industry

 

The Executive Summary is also available in Spanish and Dutch.

 

Introduction

 

Although indium might be a rare metal, it is not rare at all in your daily life. No smartphone can be produced without its use. Flatscreens, touchscreens, LED lights, photovoltaic panels and even the high efficiency glass of the windows in your house can contain this element.

 

Indium is a metal that has grown in importance since the 21st century. Lots of new technologies are based on its use, as it has the particular property of being transparent in thin coatings and still acting as an excellent conductor.

 

The source of this raw material is not always easy to track. The indium market is very opaque. This Executive Summary is part of a fact-finding mission by the European Union project ‘Make ICT Fair’. It tries to reveal a considerable part of the supply chain of indium by starting its research in the very beginning of the chain: a few mining cooperatives on the Bolivian highlands extracting silver-lead-zinc polymetallic ore; and it traces the supply chain beyond, feeding the European industry.

Figure 1. San Jose Jallpa has limited mechanical equipment to carry out the ore concentration process. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA

Supply Chain Summary:

 

  • It is remarkable that official Bolivian data registers the export of indium as zero (MMM, 2019). This implies that neither the Bolivian miners nor the Bolivian state is paid for the extraction of this metal, indispensable for the technology of the 21th century.

 

  • Bolivia is estimated as the 5th largest extractor of indium worldwide (Zapata, 2018).

 

  • Bolivian silver-lead-zinc ores contain valuable concentrations of indium. 

 

  • A first concentration of the zinc ore from the remaining rock is in some cases done by the mining cooperatives themselves or, if the cooperatives do not have the necessary equipment, it might be done by local traders.

 

Figure 2. Miners sell their mineral individually or collectively with the entire cooperative, depending on their own rules. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA
  • On an individual level or collectively with all members of the cooperative, the minerals are sold to local traders. Based on the analysis carried out on behalf of the local trader at the moment of sale, the miners are paid for their materials.

 

  • The local traders then further supply some of the largest commodity traders in the world. The minerals from different suppliers can be mixed to provide the concentrations required by the international traders who manage the purchase contracts and set up the conditions of sale.

 

  • Bolivian actors have no control over the treatment charges (TC) applied, which are set by a small international oligopoly of zinc refiners and commodity traders. No smelting of zinc ore takes place in Bolivia itself despite the completion of a metallurgical plant for refining these concentrates in 2013.
Figure 3. Zinc concentrate is transported in bulk to the port of Arica and a lesser extent in containers to the port of Iquique, both located in Chile. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA
  • After almost 500 kilometers of transport by truck, the freight arrives at Chilean ports.

 

  • 13.000 kilometers by sea transport brings part of the exported concentrates to the port of Antwerp, Belgium.
Figure 4. The general cargo vessel Jan Van Gent transporting Bolivian minerals to the Port of Antwerp, Belgium. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA
Figure 5. The quay of the Antwerp Bulk Terminal of Sea-Invest receives and prepares the mineral for transport to the different metallurgical plants.August 2020. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA
  • On average every year 150.000 tonnes of Bolivian zinc ore arrives at the Port of Antwerp (Eurostat, 2013-2019).

 

  • The Bolivian zinc ores rich in indium are very likely processed in Auby (owned and operated by Nyrstar), where also indium is being refined. 
Figure 6. The metallurgical plant of Nyrstar Balen (Belgium), above, does not have the process to recover indium, while the Auby plant has. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA
  • Umicore refines rare metals in Belgium at its Hoboken and Olen metallurgical plants (both in Belgium – the company also operates in other countries). 

 

  • Umicore bases its production processes on secondary sourcing, which consist of recycling or slag from other refiners, such as Nyrstar. It means that the waste from primary materials processed by other smelters are further processed at Umicore’s installations.

 

  • The Hoboken based copper smelter, lead blast furnace and lead refinery perform the extraction of metals such as indium, selenium and tellurium. Also the Bolivian silver and lead can be further refined by the Hoboken complex.

 

Figure 7. The Lorca inland cargo vessel brings indium rich concentrates from the Port of Antwerp to Nyrstar’s metallurgical plant in Auby. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA
  • In 2018, the metallic indium and indium powders produced in France (Auby, Nyrstar) and Belgium (Hoboken, Umicore) were mainly exported to the United States of America, Japan and South Korea (Eurostat, 2020 – see Figure 11). Both countries represent 85% of the European Union export on indium. The articles of indium produced in Germany (where Umicore also has production facilities) are mainly exported to China.

 

  • It is still very challenging to recover the indium from the recycling of the end products. It is estimated that only 1% of indium is recycled worldwide from end of product waste (UNEP, 2013) and inside the EU the rate for End-of-life Recycling was recently reported at 0% (EC, 2020).

 

  • The production of indium in Belgium for the year 2018 was estimated at 22 tonnes (USGS, 2020). The export data of unwrought indium and indium powder equals 16 tonnes for 2018 (Eurostat, 2020).

 

  • Since Nyrstar was taken over by Trafigura Group, a prominent international commodity trader, is it challenging to track exactly where the flow of indium from the Auby smelter (in France) goes to. Two companies in France produce intermediary products of indium.

 

  • In general flat-panel displays are by far the most frequent application for indium, making up for 60% of its end-use.
Figure 8. Summary of the supply chain of Bolivian indium bearing ore to the ICT industry. At this point we can better understand the supply chain of one of the many metals used in a smartphone or a laptop. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA

Conclusion: 

 

The EU’s Due Diligence framework is not working and will not work because it lacks four key components, that are necessary in order to avoid the ongoing human rights violations and environmental damage: 

 

  1. It is not comprehensive; the EU’s Due Diligence framework lacks detailed information that can allow a standardised or homogenous way for its implementation (e.g., What is the list of requirements to decide if the case studied is in a CHARAs?). 
  2. There is no transparency; there is no mandatory, defined structure for the companies to collect the data and make it accessible to the public so anyone can check its veracity. 
  3. There is no accountability towards workers and communities, there is no way for other involved local actors to add more information about the local mining or metallurgical site besides the company itself. 
  4. There is no governing body; no institutions have the mandate to take decisions on Due Diligence, nobody is able to monitor its implementation, no one can enforce or request anything about it.

 

Minor metals like indium, which are increasingly needed in the ICT industry, are extracted mainly as a by-product of the processing of ores rich in base metals such as zinc, lead and copper. In order to understand and track the supply chain of these scarce metals, it is necessary to start working from the extraction sites.

 

Taking into account the complexity and opacity in the industrial sectors, the existing approach based on the tracking of supply chains from the consumer end-products cannot reach the original sources of the raw materials being used. Therefore, it is neglecting the problems occurring in the first stages of the supply chain.

Figure 9. One of the final products of the supply chain; touchscreens, contain a thin Indium tin oxide (ITO) coating. © Silke Ronsse / CATAPA

Recommendations:

 

There are few smelters and refining facilities in the world that have the technical know-how and metallurgical capacity to recover these metals. Therefore, a fairer and responsible supply chain would be today already possible if sufficient efforts were being made in the setting up of obligatory monitoring frameworks between the competent public institutions (at national and supranational levels) and the very few refiners and commodity traders dominating the market. The establishment of monitored supply chains is necessary if end-product consumers – whether from the public sector or the private – want to stop human rights violations, and prevent increasing environmental damage in the early stages of metal supply chains

 

The Bolivian State needs international transparency and supportive tracking systems in order to enforce its own legislation to tax minerals rich in indium – and other valuable rare metals it may be exporting – that currently leave Bolivian borders without any financial contribution. Without royalties for their minerals, the Bolivian Administration will hardly be able to independently afford the costs of the social and environmental services that mining activities cause in the short and long terms. This socio-environmental debt shouldn’t be left in the Bolivian hands alone, but corporations profiting from these minerals have to contribute to the mitigation and remediation of the ongoing human rights violations and environmental pollution included in the minerals they purchase, process and sell.

 

In summary, these are the authors key recommendations:

 

    • The creation of a fair supply chain is urgent and needs the collaboration between public bodies that can legislate and enforce the law, international monitoring institutions that can report on the supply chains and community-based organisations that can give local information to contrast the data provided by the companies.
    • Traders that cannot guarantee transparency on how the production of metals meets human rights and environmental standards, should not be able to sell in the international market, especially not EU companies. But first we need a legal structure to collect, access and monitor that information.
    • Tax contribution by the companies exporting indium-rich minerals should be reported to and requested by the Bolivian state.
    • The refining process of zinc and indium should be taking place in Bolivia to generate the added value locally and to cover the costs of remediating the environmental damage of the mining activities. It would also avoid the negative effects of the global transport of heavy mineral concentrates.
    • Bolivia should implement the mitigation of its historical tailings at sites rented to cooperatives and enforce the treatment of wastewater from acid drainage. The Government has to ensure access to water as a fundamental right; water for domestic and agricultural use should always be prioritised over extractive and industrial activities. 

 

The current situation also gives the large companies involved the ability to make a real difference through their sourcing process, by taking responsibility along their supply chain and by being transparent with their customers.

ICT products are the result of many actors throughout a long and complex mix of supply chains in several countries. Therefore, governments need to implement an appropriate global framework that can track this complexity and stop environmental damage and human rights violations wherever they occur. However, industrial efforts will still be required to drive the necessary change towards fair and responsible metal(s) production.

 

Read the Research in full here.

This article is part of the European Commission funded project “Make ICT Fair – Reforming Manufacture & Minerals Supply Chains through Policy, Finance & Public Procurement”.

CATAPA is one of its 11 co-applicants, which also include the University of Edinburgh (UK), Electronics Watch, Südwind (Austria), People and Planet (UK), SETEM Catalunya (Spain) and Swedwatch (Sweden), among others. The project aims to mobilise EU citizens, decision makers & ICT purchasers/procurers working in the EU Public Sector to improve the conditions of workers & communities along the ICT sector.

Thesis 4 Bolivia

WEBINAR:

Thesis 4 Bolivia

27th October, 7-9pm, Online

Registration

 

We invite you to an evening of presentations to hear from researchers and graduated students on the results of their thesis conducted in Bolivia.

Learn about their motives, challenges and results from their research and have the opportunity during the Q&A to ask for advice for your own thesis and research proposals.

The topics are very broad, from environment to anthropology and sustainable development.

Are you interested to learn more about Bolivia – a vibrant and diverse country which spans from the South American Andes mountains, down to the tropical lows of the Amazon?

Perhaps you are even interested in carrying out your own research project / thesis?

 

Join our evening and get inspiration for a thesis!

You can view, invite friends and share the Facebook event here

You can find the Registration Form here

[Only registered participants will receive a joining link]

What is CATAPA?

CATAPA is a social and environmental volunteer movement which works towards social and environmental justice focusing on mining related issues in Latin America. We conduct research about mining issues, organise sensitizing events on the impacts of mining and support our local partners in Latin America by capacity building and internationalising their struggle for environmental and social justice.

Each year we supervise several students writing their thesis about mining related issues and about ICT public procurement.

The End of Naïve Europe,The Rise of Green Imperialism

Image: CRM deposits EU-27 (2020). Source: European Commission’s M(2020) 474 final.

ARTICLE:

Re-published from: Vázquez Ruiz, A. 2020. “Op-Ed: The End of Naïve Europe, The Rise of Green Imperialism.” Commodity Frontiers 1: 56-59. doi:10.18174/cf.2020a17975.

The End of Naïve Europe,The Rise of Green Imperialism

Author: Alberto Vázquez Ruiz

On 29 September 2020, the European Commission officially launched the European Raw Materials Alliance (ERMA), a publicly supported “industrial alliance dedicated to securing a sustainable supply of raw materials in Europe”. In other words, firing the starting pistol of public funding for the race to explore and extract mineral deposits outside the European Union and especially within its borders.

Until now, the EU had only been financing mining and metallurgical private companies under the pretext of technological innovation and market competition. Since the launch of Horizon 2020 in 2014, the Commission has been assembling the institutional tools (e.g. EIT Raw Materials, the Partnership Instrument) allowing to finance private technology developments inside the EU for exploration, exploitation and metallurgy. Horizon 2020 is finishing this year, but the instruments created remain and the technological excuse seems no longer needed.

The era of a naïve Europe that solely relies on soft power is behind us”. With these words, Commissioner for the Internal Market, Thierry Breton, announced earlier this month the “EU action plan for critical raw materials”, which is the EC’s strategy to face the consequences of the commercial war between the USA and China and to encourage EU nation states to focus on raw materials as part of a post-COVID19 ‘green’ recovery plan.

The pandemia has indeed created the perfect momentum to call for support for this industry. However, resource extraction and its processing together represent 90% of biodiversity loss and water stress in the world. Bad news, as many experts have already pointed to the relation between  the pandemia and biodiversity loss.

It is impossible for the EC to ignore last year’s report by the International Resources Panel (UNEP), which clearly warned humanity that metal extraction and production has doubled health and climate change impacts from 2000 to 2015 solely. And today, mining and metallurgy are representing already 20% of all health impacts from air pollution and more than a quarter of global carbon emissions. So why is the Commission actually making this change of course?

The shift in its position has been justified as the “access to resources is a strategic security question for making the green and digital transformations a success. Although the Commission claims to share the widespread will to combat climate change and to leave no person and no place behind in the process, the Commission also openly calls for an increased mining boom which will reinforce the pressing systemic problem facing people and planet.

While green technologies are based on energy sources which are renewable, their machines are not. Electricity generation based on solar, wind, tidal… generators rely on metals (many metals if you consider off-grid technologies). The planned transition without socio-economic restructuring towards schemes that push for drastic reduction in consumption of energy, will just move us from an energy matrix based on the extraction and combustion of fossil fuels towards a loop of increasing extraction and processing of metals for the manufacturing of metal-based solutions.

It could be argued that a society based on metal-based technologies is a sustainable scenario because we would be able to recycle these elements in the future, but the reality is very far from this. The IRP-UNEP also warned us that “only 18 metals have recycling rates higher than 50%. For the rare earths elements (REEs) needed in most green energy technologies, the recycling rate reaches just 1%.  What will happen in 30 years when the energy machines are already obsolete and fossil fuels are no longer efficient to be extracted? Mining, metallurgy and manufacturing industries are the biggest energy consumers. “What is happening today is nothing less than a massive PR campaign to sell the idea that mining is not only necessary but it can also be sustainable,” said Nick Meynen, Policy officer at the European Environmental Bureau (EEB).

While the EC’s Action Plan does recognise the need for improving recycling rates and the importance of reinforcing the circular economy, it lacks a coherent set of proposals that could tackle the reasons behind the low recycling rates and the slow implementation of a circular economy. There are no regulations for recyclability (yes, but more importantly there are no restrictions on production, so materials can be mixed in a way which make the products poorly recyclable, but cheaper – it is not a end-of-use technological issue), repairability (modularity in products and regulations to end the monopoly on spare parts production), reusability (plans on how to proceed with older machines). 

Breton recognises that the “post-war world architecture is faltering”, but the proposed treatment seems to be confusing the disease and the cure. His decision will accelerate the process, shaking the social foundations of our civilization even harder, instead of rebuilding our system by attacking the true causes of our current crisis. It can be seen both as a symptom of political negligence or as a part of a more complex agenda towards green imperialism.

Europe has expressed its aim to become the green energy superpower. However, the amount of minerals that the EC considers necessary for the future transition is extreme and the global metal demand already increased by 87% from 1980 to 2008. “Critical raw materials” (a techno-political rebranding of the elements the EC considers necessary today) are increasingly required for batteries in electric vehicles and off-grid generation and storage, among others. There is no way of getting that huge amount of resources without pushing social peace to its limits – also inside the EU.

“The transition to a low-carbon economy – and the minerals and metals required to make that shift – could affect fragility, conflict and violence dynamics in mineral-rich states”, reported the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) in 2018. A similar and simpler analysis was made by the EEB that year: “More mining leads to more fighting. This is the reality that local communities and civil societies organisations are facing all around the world. Global Witness has even accounted mining as the main sector responsible for the killing of land and environmental defenders across the globe. This reality has been commonly associated with the Global South. Further evidence that the due diligence voluntary process, which is supported by the EU to guarantee responsible sourcing of metals, is far from useful in avoiding human rights violations.

Now, in the middle of the coronavirus crisis, Europe seeks to compensate its weaker commercial share, and to reinforce the aim to secure its supply,  with insourcing. Breton mentions that the Action Plan seeks to “protect our democracies against the menace of disinformation, but at the same time points out that the major barrier to develop the insourcing is a lack of “public acceptance” in the European society to allow new mining projects to start operating. Therefore, several EC financed research projects have been looking for increasing “public acceptance” for this sector in local communities across the Union affected by proposed and/or operating extractive projects.

There is still no democratic capacity to decide by local communities nor their municipalities on the mining projects that will drastically change their land and very possibly leave tonnes of mining waste landfilled in their towns waiting. The discourse of the EC is that there is a lack of understanding of the mining sector by local communities and that there is a need to educate the European society on the current reality of the mining sector (a false mantra by the sector is that the environmental issues of mining and metallurgy are a matter of the past). This discourse which mixes the real needs of our planet with the demand for resources caused by the Commission’s plans for an ominous EU Green Deal will lead down the path where destruction of the environment, land and societal configurations, is forced through for Europe’s future.

“By building, today, the foundations of tomorrow’s autonomy, our Continent has the opportunity to establish a set of rules, infrastructures and technologies that will make it a powerful Europe, without ostracism or discrimination”, states Breton. This sentence provides an insight into the future the Commission is implementing in Europe. A “powerful Europe” directed by the few privileged ones living in the “civilized world” of Europe’s main cities enjoying access to green energy, but an inequality nightmare for local communities worldwide which will be affected by the increasing environmental, social and political issues on which the Green Empire will rely. To prevent this upcoming reality, today many organisations state “We can’t mine our way out of the climate crisis.

You can find more articles from the Commodity Frontiers journal this op-ed was published in, here.

Profile

Alberto Vázquez Ruiz holds a MSc. in Conflict and Development (UGent, Belgium) and is specialized in topics related to mining and electronics. Since May 2018 he has been Project Coordinator at CATAPA (Belgium), researching on metal supply chains, on socio-environmental impacts of mining operations on local communities and on extractive waste in the EU.

Deep Sea Mining: How Belgium is Sinking to the Bottom

WEBINAR & TRAINING:

Deep Sea Mining: How Belgium is sinking to the bottom

17th October, 2pm, Online

Registration

Our deep blue oceans are home to an unprecedented wealth of biodiversity, most of which is still undiscovered to the human race. However, Deep Sea Mining is threatening to destroy that. Experts and environmental movements fear irreparable damage.

Already over a million square kilometres is licenced for exploration in the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic Oceans. Belgium is one of the frontrunners in this field. The company DEME-GSR and the Belgium government are lining up to mine one of earth’s least known and untouched ecological habitats.

Find out about what Deep Sea Mining entails and which kind of threats it’s posing to ocean life. What part is the Belgium government playing in the birth of this destructive industry? And can we still stop this?

Arm yourself with knowledge on the threats Deep Sea Mining is posing and what we can do about it in Belgium, with speakers An Lambrechts from Greenpeace, Sarah Vanden Eede from WWF and Ann Dom from Seas at Risk.

Programme:
14:00-16:00 WebinarDeep Sea Mining: How Belgium is sinking to the bottom.
16:00-18:15 OPTIONALOnline public action training* (more info below)

You can view, invite friends and share the Facebook event here

You can find the Registration Form here

[Only registered participants will receive a joining link]

Online Public Action training workshop – Deep Sea Mining

*We have 20 spaces available for a separate Online Public Action training workshop.

This workshop is for citizens who are passionate about protecting our oceans and would like to become more involved in taking action to protect our blue planet from Deep Sea Mining and are already attending ‘Deep Sea Mining: How Belgium is sinking to the bottom’.

If you feel committed to taking action for a healthier blue planet for now and future generations to come and would like to be part of a passionate and active group of people with similar shared values working on the topic of Deep Sea Mining in Belgium, apply using the event registration form (found above).

The workshop will be held by CATAPA. The Deep Sea Mining Public Action workshop will follow on after Deep Sea Mining: How Belgium is sinking to the bottom ends.

It will take place from 16:15 – 18:15, 17th October 2020.

Join The Communication Working Group!

Join The Communication Working Group

30th September

 

Are you skilled in social media, content creation, graphic design etc?

Would you like to be part of a volunteer team supporting and leading on the communications of some amazing social & environmental justice projects across Belgium and Latin America?

We are now recruiting for volunteers who want to help shape the communication strategy and output of CATAPA by being a part of our Communication working group!

✉️Send an email to communication@catapa.be introducing yourself.

We are Looking forward to welcoming you in our team!

We can’t mine our way out of the climate crisis, European Commission told

We can’t mine our way out of the climate crisis, European Commission told

30th September

234 civil society organisations, communities and academics call on EC to align critical raw materials sourcing plans with the interests of the planet, communities and the climate.

 

CATAPA joined over 230 civil society organisations, community platforms and academics  in releasing an open letter to call on the European Commission to urgently reassess its plans for sourcing the raw materials it claims Europe will need to realise energy, industrial and military transitions.

The letter is a timely intervention by the broad coalition, as the European Commission launched its new EU Raw Materials Alliance a day after the letter was brought to public attention.

Instead of expanding and repatriating mining destruction which will threaten communities, biodiversity & the planetary life support systems – the signatories call for:

1. Absolute reduction of resource use and demand in Europe

2. Recognition and respect for communities’ Right to Say No to mining

3. Enforcement of existing EU environmental law and respect for conservation areas

4. An end to exploitation of Global South nations, and respect for human rights

5. Protection of ‘ new frontiers’ – like the deep sea- from mining.

The current plans proposed in European Commissions’ Raw Material Strategy will lead to a new wave of resource extraction both in the EU and the Global South, turning any plans for a ‘Green EU’ instantly brown. A sustainable strategy cannot be to think that we can mine our way out of the climate crisis towards a green future.

You can find the English version of the letter in full here.

You can find the Spanish version of the letter in full here.

 

Changemakers for Degrowth – Re-thinking (Metal) Consumption

CHANGE MAKER PROGRAMME:

Changemakers for Degrowth – Re-thinking (Metal) Consumption

6th October, 24th October & 21st November

Registration

Introduction

Organized by CATAPA, this year the series of events will be dedicated to the topic of Degrowth. In three separate sessions (one online, one in Ghent and one in Brussels), we are aiming to introduce this year’s participants into the topic of Degrowth, the impacts of big scale mining and metal consumption (focus: our ICT), as well as equip them with the necessary tools and strategies to construct a more conscious and just society. 

 

You can find the full programme below.

 

De-mine, De-growth and Move

As a global movement, striving towards social and ecological justice, CATAPA has long recognized the natural boundaries of our finite planet and continuously denounces the ongoing exploitation of non-renewable resources. By not only striving against mining, but also actively looking for alternatives to it, our movement demands putting the well-being of all people(s) first. Therefore, we want to be a driving force in the transition to degrowth; a socially just economic system, which represents an essential part of our vision and mission.

 

Provisional Programme

 

6 October 2020 (19:00 – 20:30) – Introductory Online Session

  • Introduction to CATAPA
  • Small presentation of the topic of the trajectory
  • Introductory round for our participants
  • Overview and planning of the trajectory

 

24 October 2020 (10:00 – 17:30) at Geuzenhuis, Ghent – Two content sessions and one interactive workshop

  • Session on ‘Degrowth and Extractivism’ by journalist Nick Meynen
  • Session on ‘Mining in Colombia & Cosajuca’s Biological Agriculture Project as an (Degrowth) alternative to extractivism’ by Jonas Adriaensens (CATAPA) 
  • Online Campaigning Training Session

 

21 November 2020 (10:00 – 17:30) in Brussels (exact location TBA) – A Latin American perspective on Degrowth and more

  • Session on ‘Buen Vivir & activism strategies’ by Dayana Corzo Joya
  • Degrowth best practices
  • Games, discussions and more…

 

Optional: 11. – 13. December 2020 (Movement Weekend in Lokeren) 

This is a weekend for everyone who wants to be more involved in CATAPA and see how we mix the concepts of Degrowth, mining and ICT in our working. Together we will brainstorm about future activities and take part in some movement-enhancing sessions, including a session on sustainable activism. 

More information about this we will communicate soon via the Facebook event

 

Price

€10 (2 x €5 per training day): to cover lunch costs. (The price of the movement weekend isn’t included in this amount. The price for that will be around €35). You’ll receive instructions for payment after inscription. 

For drinks we will ask €1

 

How to inscribe? 

You can inscribe yourself through this link 

Keep in mind that places are limited. This means that we expect you to go to all three events (on 6.10, 24.10 & 21.11). 

 

COVID-measures

The two training days will be organized in line with the current COVID-measures applicable on Belgian territory. Most importantly: everyone will need to keep 1.5 meter distance from any other participant and wear a face mask at all times (except while eating and drinking when seated). 

 

*All locations mentioned above are accessible by wheelchair, if you have other questions about accessibility please feel free to send an email to info@catapa.be.

 

*In this training trajectory there is no room for sexism, racism, trans- or LGBT-phobia and other forms of hate.

Changemakers Trajectory 2020_Promo_Newsletter

This event is organised with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this event are the sole responsibility of CATAPA and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union.

Left to Right: Make Ict Fair logo, European Union flag and Catapa logo