After over half a century of armed conflicts between the state and guerilla movements (including FARC), Colombia’s economy is now prospering. The country is one of the fastest growing economies in Latin America. Apart from the available natural resources, its fast growth is also the result of the government’s economic policy. President Santos’ National Development Plan for 2014-2018 focuses on five ‘locomotives’, viz. infrastructure, housing, mining and energy, agro-industry and innovation. One major objective of his development plan is to attract foreign investment in order to develop large-scale agricultural, mining and energy projects.

Unfortunately, the arrival of domestic companies as well as foreign multinationals establishing huge projects has given rise to renewed conflicts within the Colombian borders. Local indigenous groups and campesinos are being expelled from their land to make room for various mega-projects. Colombia is the world’s second in terms of the most internally displaced people, yet this problem persists due to the government’s investment-friendly policy towards investors who develop mega-projects for which huge stretches of land are claimed. Indeed, the Colombian government sees the royalties from the mining sector as one of its chief resources to finance the post-conflict era.  However, the richest supplies of natural resources are found in the country’s poorest and most vulnerable regions, which are focal points of the  rural development plans in partial agreements. Right there, the government granted a substantial  number of mining licences to multinational enterprises, thus often creating serious social unrest on the local level.

Besides, the development plan has a considerable impact on the country’s ecosystems and biodiversity. A UNIDO (UN Industrial Development Organisation) report reveals Colombia as one of the world’s biggest polluters when the use of mercury in traditional mining is concerned. On an annual basis, between 50 and 100 tons of mercury are spilled in the gold extraction process.

Gold and silver played a crucial role throughout Colombia’s history. Some local peoples including the Muisca, Quibaya and Tarona are believed to have had an economy partly based on gold. Even before the Spanish invasion, there already were communities with full-time miners. The Buriticá site in the mountains of northern Antioquia is the most renowned in this respect. From there, part of the surplus gold was traded to the Quimbaya and the Muisca, whereas the major share was meant for the population further north, i.e the Dabeida.

When the Spaniards disembarked in 1499, gold was what interested the colonizer. Cartagena became the heart of an economy centred around gold mines. Thus, Colombia grew to become the most important gold producer of the 19^th century. Gold production between 1537 and 1886 is estimated  at $ 639 000 000 next to a huge amount of silver.

Three large regions in Colombia have gold supplies, viz. the Andes region, the Sierra Nevada de Santa Maria Mountains and the Guyana Highlands. The Andes region is home to a large number of the country’s major cities and can be divided into three cordilleras: central, eastern and western. Much of the gold extracted in previous centuries came from this region, especially the Department of Antioquia.

Up to the mid-twentieth century, Colombia was one of the world’s major gold exporters. After that, mining declined somewhat but there has been a renewed interest in gold mining recently. In the last ten years, Colombia has attracted a rising number of foreign investors. They took advantage of mining legislation adopted and facilitated by the governments led by Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002) and Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010).

Apart from the large projects, many individual entrepreneurs operate in the Colombian mining sector. The 2011-2012 Mining Census claims that approx. 314,000 people are engaged in small-scale and middle-scale mining. The majority work in traditional mining activities, which in its most  rudimentary form means panning for gold in river sands. In addition, there is plenty of illegal mining, which often results in crime and violence.

For the last few years the mining sector has been expanding. CETEC, an organization of small peasant communities in Cali, made a calculation and concluded that since 1990 there has been a tenfold increase in mining profits: from 2.5 to over 25 billion dollars annually. This amount doubled between 2010 and 2014. The increase in gold extracted shows a similar curve. In 2015, the mining sector accounted for 2.3% of Colombia’s GDP and ensured a 18.8% share in the country’s exports and 17% of foreign direct investment.

Millions of kilograms of gold have been discovered in Colombia since 2000. One of the largest explorations is the  La Colosa mining project of AngloGoldAshanti, the company that appears so eager to start mining in the surroundings of Tolima.

La Colosa is the name of the mining project planned by the South African company AngloGold Ashanti (AGA) in Cajamarca, city in the department of Tolima, where it is estimated that the land has 680,000 kg of gold. Since 1999, the company has carried out exploration there and expects to start extracting gold in 2023. This mine would be the largest open-pit gold mine in the northern Andes and the third largest in Latin America after Yanacocha in Peru and La Escondida in Chile.

In addition, La Colosa is only part of a much larger mining district plan, a region in which several geologically linked deposits are exploited. If the mining project is carried out effectively, it will have a great impact on cities and nature in the wide area, and Cajamarca faces the risk of disappearing from the map. The mining district is planned in an area where there is a natural reserve with rich biodiversity and resurface water sources (white churros), which provide the wide area with ​​water. The region is also very fertile and is considered one of the main agricultural regions of Colombia. “This case can be seen as an emblem in Colombia because of its size and the very advanced state of project development”.

Journalists, local groups of citizens, collectives, independent citizens, students and academics ask critical questions about the project and are convinced of the great impact that the mine would have on the region (Tolima and parts of Quindío). However, among the local population opinions differ. There is a great lack of knowledge among the local population, largely due to the lack of information and the promises of AGA. AGA affirms that the opening of the mine will provide jobs in a city where there is a lot of poverty. For example, AGA itself established a civil society organization that is in favor of mining: “Yes to the mine.” Some key figures in Cajamarca such as the mayor and a school director are also in favor of the arrival of the mine and gladly accept gifts from the company.

Local groups, including CATAPA’s partner organizations, try to inform the population as much as possible about the impact that the mine will bring, support local alternatives and organize protest marches. During 2016, there was a plan to organize a “popular consultation” in Cajamarca. Eventually it was done, although it was a bit later than anticipated (see below).

Despite the ‘Locomotora Minera’ development plan of the Colombian government to promote large-scale mining operations through a favorable climate for investment, the project has already suffered a considerable delay. AGA had the intention to finish the exploration phase in 2015 and start extracting in 2016. However, the social opposition and the most recent vote against the project during the referendum managed to exert temporary pressure and delays. Nevertheless, with 69% of the mining concessions in Cajamarca on its possession, AGA still seems capable of accomplishing its plans.

After a year of obstacles, the first popular consultation on citizens’ initiative was held in Cajamarca to decide if the mining project was allowed or rejected (see below). An overwhelming 97% of the votes said “no” to mining in March 2017.

Although the unfavorable impact of development models such as this is known, there is still great lack of knowledge among the local population about the consequences of mining and the ecological and social impact that this brings.

On March 26th 2017, the inhabitants of Cajamarca decided whether or not mining was to be allowed in their territory. After a negative opinion on the issue in the referendum, which was declared unconstitutional by the Council of State in December 2016, the question was reformulated by the Tolima administrative court. The question was finally worded as follows: “Do you agree, Yes or No, with mining projects and activities being carried out in the municipality of Cajamarca?”

According to the Center for Legal and Social Studies (Dejusticia), the result of the consultation is to be binding. The law clearly states that if a third or more of the population votes, the result must be accepted and implemented. Cajamarca has 16,312 inhabitants who have the right to vote. This means that 5,438 inhabitants of Cajamarca must vote for the referendum to be valid. If they vote against mining, the council and the mayor must take the necessary measures to prohibit these practices.

The result of the referendum was overwhelming. 97.9 % of the votes were against mining. 6,296 people went to vote of which 6,165 voted against and 76 in favor of mining, with the rest of the votes being null and abstentions. Whether or not this means that there will not be mining in Cajamarca it is still uncertain. The Deputy Minister of Mining, Carlos Cante, declared that the binding nature of the consultation is not clear. He believes that a political decision could guarantee that investors can continue legally.

The Minister of Mining, Germán Arce, also declares that the referendum does not apply to AngloGold Ashanti, because the decision is not valid for the agreements that had already been approved. The company concluded a contract with the National Mining Agency before the referendum, so it can therefore continue with its plans and investments, as it is an acquired the right to do so. In this case, the exploration can not be stopped. Only environmental authorities such as the National Environmental Agency (ANLA) can still prohibit use. Valentina Camacho Environmental Committee of Cajamarca suspects that the government will not respect the outcome of the referendum for which the struggle will continue at the legal level.