Defense of the indigenous Colombian human rights

The impact of the Escazú Agreement on the Right to Say No in Latin America

This article will briefly introduce and explain how the Escazu agreement may positively impact the Right to Say No. To better understand it, we will start by explaining where it comes from, its unique characteristics, its aims, the rights it granted and its link with our campaign ‘The Right to Say No’ in Catapa vzw.

The Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean, also called the Escazú Agreement was adopted on 4 March 2018 and entered into force on 22 April 2021. Within the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) with 24 Signatories States and 14 Parties among them (Colombia, Ecuador, and Bolivia).

Defense of the indigenous Colombian human rights

“CIDH- ddhh indigenas Colombia _1039” by Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos is licensed under CC BY 2.0 .

The Escazu agreement is quite unique for three reasons: first of all, it is the only legally binding agreement coming from the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio +20); secondly, it is the region’s first treaty on environmental matters; and thirdly, it is the world’s first treaty to include provisions on human rights defenders in environmental matters.’ 

The main aim of the agreement is to fulfil the goals of principle 10 of the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, which states that:

‘Environmental issues are best handled with participation of all concerned citizens at the relevant level. At the national level, each individual shall have appropriate access to information concerning the environment that is held by public authorities, including information on hazardous materials and activities in their communities, and the opportunity to participate in decision-making processes. States shall facilitate and encourage public awareness and participation by making information widely available. Effective access to judicial and administrative proceedings, including redress and remedy, shall be provided.’

In this manner, the agreement strives for ‘the right of present and future generations to live in a healthy environment and to sustainable development’.

 

How is it related to the Right to Say No?

The Right to Say No stands for ‘communities’ fundamental right to not only be involved in – and informed about the plans, but also, in cases of unsatisfying outcomes of negotiating processes, to finally say “No” to the proposals. This essential notion not only amplifies communities’ voices and puts them in a more equitable position, but also puts pressure on corporations to respect indigenous knowledge and customary law. The “Right to Say No” to mining is therefore also the right to say “Yes” to a self-determined living and gives communities a concrete instrument to come up with their own development model through grassroot processes and law from below.’ 

This right has been built upon the principle of Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) which enables indigenous peoples to grant or not consent to projects that may affect them or their territories.

Aligning with this concept, The Escazu Agreement is a valuable regional legal mechanism to support the exercise of the Right to Say No in Latin America and the Caribbean, due to the recognition and protection of access rights it granted, such as the right of access to environmental information, the right of public participation in the environmental decision-making process, and the right of access to justice in environmental matters. 

 

What do these rights entail in the agreement? 

Right of access to environmental information

The right of access to environmental information comprises access to the relevant information of the projects following the principle of maximum disclosure, which means that people can request and receive information from competent authorities without having to prove any particular interest or reason, which will represent the opportunity for private individuals, ONGs, and associations to be informed in each of the negotiating stages of the mining projects enables them to act before the authorities make any definitive decision upon the lands.

It also entails the duty of the signatory parties of the Escazu Agreement to facilitate this access to environmental information for persons or groups in vulnerable situations through the implementation of procedures to assist and advise them in the preparation of their requests until obtaining a response to guarantee the exercise of this right under equal conditions. This means that the government shall provide the necessary assistance and legal advice to people who, given their particular situation, may not have the knowledge or financial resources to submit the requests on their own but want to take part in these of processes.

People painting a mural against mining “No a la Mineria” by somos2013 is licensed under CC BY 2.0 .

It also includes under which circumstances the states are allowed to refuse the information requested and the applicable conditions for delivering the information bringing transparency and clarity about the legal grounds, limits and exceptions to exercise this right. The Escazu agreement also asks parties for the designation of impartial institutions to oversee the compliance of the provisions and rules set forth therein. This right will represent an enormous change to the current procedures where most of the time environmental information is regularly denied to people or authorities, making it too complicated to be understood by people not involved in the projects.

 

Right of public participation

The right of public participation in the environmental decision-making process involves the creation of open and inclusive participation mechanisms following domestic and international normative frameworks, meant to include the public from the very early stages of the projects and activities in environmental matters such as processes to granting environmental permits, revisions, re-examinations or updates. Any aspect of public interest, such as land-use planning, policies, strategies, regulations, etc. And requires from the signatory parties the dissemination of the decisions taken and how the remarks of the public were considered to reach upon the decisions.

Thanks to the Escazu Agreement, from now on, the public has the right to oversee and be involved in the projects from the very beginning, which will represent no more ugly and unexpected surprises to the communities and society about the fate of their lands. From now on, their voices must be heard and considered, and the states will have to prove how the recommendations and decisions made by the public were included at the time of making the decisions.

 

Right of access to justice

The right of access to justice in environmental matters, demands from the signatory parties to adequate their domestic legislation with guarantees of respect to the principle of due process, implementing judicial and administrative mechanisms that allow the public to challenge and appeal any decision, action or omission that affect the exercise of the access rights or when any decision, act or omission may affect the environment or may represent a violation of the laws and regulations related to the environment.

As mentioned before, one of the agreement’s highlights is its provisions related to human rights defenders in environmental matters. Since it is the first binding agreement in the world that demands guarantees of safety and an enabling environment for persons, groups and organisations that work promoting and defending human rights in environmental matters.

In this aspect, the agreement calls for the implementation of adequate and effective measures to opportune intervene in the defence, protection and promotion of all the rights of human rights defenders in environmental matters, including ‘their right to life, personal integrity, freedom of opinion and expression, peaceful assembly and association, and free movement as well as their ability to exercise their access.’ 

Finally, the agreement encourages the implementation of its provisions through the creation and strengthening of the parties’ national capacities to take measures, meaning to train authorities, civil servants, judicial officials, national human rights institutions, jurists and the public in general in the access rights recognised by the agreement, and acknowledge the vital role that associations, organisations and groups play for raising public awareness in access rights.

Mining area“Mineria Amalfi 07” by Antropovisual is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0 .

What is the future of the Escazú Agreement?

Although the ratification process of this ambitious agreement has been slow, given the lack of political will by the signatory parties, the Escazú agreement represents a landmark for the exercise of the Right to Say No since it provides a regional legal background in Latin America and the Caribbean in recognition of access rights whereby communities, groups and individuals can say no to mining projects and propose alternatives to it. 

The Escazú agreement has a long way ahead and many obstacles to surpass before becoming a solid milestone for protecting communities’ access rights, which it cannot do alone. Therefore, the work now is raising public awareness of it, promoting its ratification by more states and monitoring its implementation with the aim of equipping communities with more legal mechanisms to exercise their right to say no to the current destructive economic system and encourage the recognition of the access rights and promotes its ratification for those states are still pending to do it and monitor its implementation in those states which already ratified it.

In Catapa vzw, we want to continue promoting the Right to Say No to mining and The Right to Say Yes to a sustainable way of living where communities can determine and overwatch the decisions related to their territories. Therefore, we want to show our support for the ratification and implementation of the Escazu Agreement, given its shared values with our campaign  RTSN, where our fight for a better future without mining continues until our voices are heard. 

This article has been written by Catapista Laura Carvajal. 

Bibliography 



“Chetillanos rechazan proyecto minero”. Copyright: CONACIPE

Mining project Colpayoc: Gold or water? The last access to clean drinking water in Cajamarca

Friday 7th May, in the central Plaza de Armas, Cajamarca, communities and social organizations, including the Frente de Defensa Ambiental de Colpayoc, convened a press conference denouncing and rejecting the gold mining project Colpayoc, owned by the Canadian mining company Estrella Gold S.A.C that is being pushed forward in the province of Chetilla. Community leaders and environmental defenders from across the province claim they are not being included or heard in the process, and will take to the streets to defend their territories.

“Chetillanos rechazan proyecto minero”. Copyright: CONACIPE

Protest December 2022 against the Colpayoc mining project. “Chetillanos rechazan proyecto minero”. Copyright: CONACIPE

The province of Chetilla is the one of the last remaining areas of indigenous quechua speakers in the region of Cajamarca, and is also the poorest province. According to the mining companies own assessment of the project, around 83% of the population within the area of impact earn less than 300/S (around 75 euros) a month. In addition, 33% of the population have not finished primary school, and 13% are illiterate. Clearly, this is a community that is extremely vulnerable to exploitation by mining companies and the state apparatus, promising jobs and economic development, as long as they sacrifice their right to clean drinking water for their children and animals on which they depend.

Delegation of JASS (Service and Sanitation Management Board) Ronquillo protesting Colpayoc, Press Conference in the Plaza De Armas, Cajamarca 7th May 2023. Source: CATAPA

Een delegatie van JASS (Service and Sanitation Management Board) Ronquillo protesteert tegen Colpayoc, Persconferentie op Plaza De Armas, Cajamarca 7 mei 2023. Bron: CATAPA

The impact of Colpayoc could be catastrophic for the communities not only located in the immediate vicinity of the mine, but also those living nearby. 30% of the city of Cajamarca, some 150,000 citizens, depend on rivers originating within the Crisnejas and Jequetepeque river basins for clean drinking water. 

Just recently in May, 27 people died in a gold mine fire in Arequipa. Gold mining also accounts for 38% of all global emissions of mercury, which causes debilitating long term illnesses amongst mine workers and local populations living within the vicinity.

Photo of the La Esperanza gold mine, Arequipa, Peru where 27 miners died in a fire this May 2023. Source: AFP

Photo of the La Esperanza gold mine, Arequipa, Peru where 27 miners died in a fire this May 2023. Source: AFP

CATAPA supports the Right to Say No of the communities of Colpayoc. To solve the climate crisis, we must search for and implement just solutions that work in harmony with people and planet. We cannot continue sacrificing our right to water and breathable air for the profits of a few multinational mining companies that are intent on extracting maximum profits at all costs whilst destroying our communities and ways of life. 

COLPAYOC WILL NOT BE EXPLOITED, WE WILL DEFEND COLPAYOC



Murder of environmental defender in Colombia: we demand justice!

We are sorry to share the news of the assassination of Johan Ferney Aguilar González. He was a Colombian environmental defender and also the son of Wilder Antonio Aguilar Rodríguez, who is a social leader and environmental defender in the neighborhood of Santa Filomena, municipality of Falan, Colombia. 

Johan Ferney was killed on the 3nd of September, hours after a public hearing of the National Mining Agency, where both he and his father were present among 700 others. In the public hearing his father made a public complaint about death threats he had received prior related to the resistance against the mining project of Miranda Gold.

This tragic event is a direct attack on those who have fought tirelessly to defend their rights and their land against the interests of companies operating in the region. This act is a threat to defenders of territory and human rights and a warning to all those who oppose the interests of corporate powers.

Together with our Colombian partners we demand justice:

  • We demand an impartial investigation to be developed on this act of violence, in order to ensure that it does not go unpunished.  
  • We demand that the environmental authorities, especially the National Mining Agency, sanctions all mining activities until guarantees of peace and protection are given to the entire community. 
  • We make an urgent call to the local, regional and national authorities to provide protection and security to the leaders who are committed to the struggle for justice and the protection of their territory from powerful economic interests. 
  • We ask the international community to demand from the Colombian government to protect the lives and personal integrity of the leaders and communities who fight to protect their territories.
  • We demand for the respect of human rights and the safety of those who dedicate themselves to the defense of their communities and the land that belongs to them.

CATAPA follows the case of Falan for a while now. Read here more about Falan, where multinational mining companies (among them Miranda Gold) are exploring the wider region to start with their big scale mining projects while environmental defenders are rising up to protect their lands. As described in this article with a focus on Falán, death treads are a common practice used by multinational mining companies to force a community to comply with their plans. We are disturbed and saddened that these death threats have been followed with the actual murder of Johan Ferney.  With his death the people of Falan are suffering the enormous loss of a family and community member. We send our thoughts and strength to them.

Gold mining

How to convince a village to destroy their future: a 8 step manual

Multinational mining companies all over the world use similar strategies to convince communities to agree to their destructive extractive projects. Want to know their secrets?

We’re diving into the mining conflict currently occurring in the village of Falán, Colombia, where multinationals including Anglogold Ashanti are preparing the village for the mines they want to open there. The mining projects will have a devastating impact on the environment, access to potable water, agriculture in the region and the current and future potential of tourism.

So you can imagine, it’s a hard sell for the families living in the region. Like thousands of other communities in the world, the inhabitants of Falán are resisting the upcoming extractive projects in their region, protesting to preserve their right to clean water and a healthy living environment.

Since no informed person would like an open pit mine close to their home and it’s totally rightful for them to resist, it’s not always easy for multinationals to expand their businesses in other countries. But if you too are an unethical multinational mining corporation looking to devastate a local community and the surrounding natural area and propel the climate crisis and social injustice, look no further.

Read the 8 steps below for a handy guide to dividing communities, sparking conflict and creating the exact amount of chaos necessary for your project to proceed.

Step 1. Think about a suitable name for your destructive project

For obvious reasons, your company might have a bad reputation in the region you’re tearing up. Here’s a quick fix: just create a sub company with a different name! Yes, it is that easy.

Anglogold Ashanti is using this strategy all over Colombia, where a lot of communities resist the company coming to their neighbourhood because of its reputation in other regions.  Rather than waste time speculating on what that bad reputation might say about their business, they create sub-companies, with ambiguous legal ties, to start with the exploration phase in a certain region.

Take the case of Falán. In Falán a company named Miranda Gold is currently exploring the region, making holes 200 metres deep in the earth to check which mountains are ideal for gold extraction. Closer research strongly suggests that the company has ties with  (and may get their funding from) Anglogold Ashanti.

The name game doesn’t end there. Each mine has a name, and to properly hide the horrifying impact it’s having, use a name that has a certain historical, cultural or environmental value for the communities that will be affected. With the proper branding, people can drink any poison.

What always works is just using the name of the mountain, the lake or waterfall that will be ‘replaced’ by your destructive project. Like the La Colosa mining project in Cajamarca named after the La Colosa waterfall. So, you don’t have to be original. Cultural appropriation at its finest.

For another good practice in this field we can go back to Falán. The village is rightfully very proud of their natural reserve called Ciudad Perdida, or Lost City, in English, that next to hectares of beautiful nature and waterfalls also houses the ruins of two mining villages from the 16th century. It’s a very unique ecotourism attraction that’s famous in the wider region.

Along comes another company performing exploration for extraction in the village (and that now has formed an alliance with Miranda Gold) in a clear nod to continuing a legacy of devastation, chose the name Lost Cities SAS to obtain licences to start exploring for valuable minerals in the area. Job well done.

Step 2. Get the local government on your side

It’s important to have local authorities on your side. They have a lot of power and influence and can bend local procedures to your advantage and pave the way for you. So don’t be afraid of corruption and paying off politicians in charge.

How to do this? First, understand how federal governments work. The appeal of a multinational lies in neoliberalism. This means, countries are viewed as ‘poor and underdeveloped’ or ‘rich and developed’ in terms of resource consumption. Bringing multinationals from ‘rich’ countries to ‘poor’ ones, federal governments hope, will bring in profit through taxes.

Then, pay off the local politicians to agree and hand out licenses, but also to actively fight opponents of the projects with threats (see step 7). Play into the downfall of democracy: limited political terms means the same politicians agreeing to the projects are not the ones that will have to deal with the situation of water scarcity, contamination and poverty created by the mining projects in a certain amount of time.

Important point: make sure there’s no paper trail or legal basis holding you responsible for the impact of your project on the environment or human rights.

 

3. Lobby as much as possible to bend the law in your favour

Sometimes your destructive mining project might find itself facing pesky ‘legislation’ to defend the rights of communities to decide over their lands, or to protect the environment, or some such thing.

As someone interested in none of those things, now is the moment to form alliances with other multinationals. Take those funds – around the amount that would restore a significant area of the rainforest – and pour it into government lobbying to create legal loopholes for corporations. Behind closed doors, of course – wouldn’t want the public to know about this.

Take Colombia for example. In Colombia communities had the constitutional right to organise referendums and take decisions about their lands. Because of that law and lots of communities standing up for their rights, several mining projects were prevented from happening.

But thanks to a strong mining lobby, in 2018 the (unconstitutional) decision came that these referenda can’t be organised anymore for mining projects. Because that’s a matter of national interest, that transcends the stakes and interests of a local community. There have to be some sacrifice zones for others to live a wealthy lifestyle. Remember: good corporate lobbying doesn’t rely on logic or science.

Also locally there are often regulations and procedures that you have to take into account for the completion of your project and, if needed, bend to your advantage. In Colombia for example every municipality has a POT (Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial) in which they decide for a certain amount of years what their land can be used for. The POT of Falán for example only allows agriculture and tourism. But luckily Anglogold has his friends within the city hall (see step 2) and they are currently working on revising the plan for mining to be added as a way of using the land.

 

4. Presents! Buy off public opinion

Presents. Always. Work. Especially in areas where the access to information about the impact of mining is limited, so these are the areas that are often easier to win over.

Remember to only give gifts that also benefit you, like promises to build better roads (that your company will need to transport the metals and minerals). Those are a win-win for everyone. When in doubt, just hand out money.

The saying goes ‘there’s no such thing as bad publicity’, so make sure your company and project name gets spread as much as possible. Children are our future leaders, don’t forget about them. They are also an easy means to, through their school, reach whole families.

Mirandagold (or should we say Anglogold? It’s hard to tell the difference) is champion in handing out gifts. In Falán there’s records of farmers getting machetes, food and money. They even created a special game for the children in Falán on the day of Halloween, through which they could win tablets! They handed out toys with their company logo to children through the local school. A great way to make some extra publicity. Who says love can’t be bought?

 

5. Create chaos and conflict, divide the community in two camps

So you gave out gifts, but probably didn’t win over everyone, right? Don’t worry. There’s other strategies that you can apply too. This is where the next step comes in: divide and conquer. Make sure there’s conflict between the groups in the communities. Feed that conflict. Use your imagination.

In Falán, Mirandagold fired 100 employees at the same time. All of them, coincidentally, were residents of the municipality and this happened, coincidentally, at a moment where protests against the mining project were heating up. This is a good way of showing families how dependent on the mining project lots of them are, and to feed resentment against those protestors portrayed as the cause of the dismissals. And if there are too many activists against the project, well, take a look at step number 7.

 

6. Prepare the local community well for a lack of access to potable water in the future

The impact of big scale mining on the water resources in the wider region is tremendous: water scarcity due to the huge demand of the extraction process, dried out lakes and rivers, contamination of rivers and ground water with heavy metals and toxic substances…

But of course, having access to sufficient and clean water is important for health, for agriculture, and for life in general. Local communities can’t drink gold. So if you’re planning to deprive a community of clean water, the trick is to prepare them ahead of time and disguise the link to the extractivist mining. This is a good moment to suddenly feign interest in climate change and shift responsibility there.

That’s exactly what happened in Falán. Recently, different regions have experienced a lack of water for up to five or six days at a time. The local government attributed the scarcity to  climate change. Which is weird, because it rains almost every day there, and a lot.

Also weird is that the companies that are exploring in the region (and need a lot of water for that) continue to have water for their operations, they don’t experience the same inconveniences as the inhabitants.

 

7. Threats are effective deterrents

Struggling with these do-gooder environmentalists fighting your development project? Why listen when actions speak louder than words?

Threaten them. Go by their houses, let them know you know where they live. ‘Reason’ with them. Preferably accompanied by a large group of intimidating-looking men. Focus on the leaders of the struggle. Scaring people works. Especially in Colombia, since it’s one of the most dangerous countries in the world for human rights defenders. Last year 186 were killed, which is almost half of the global total registered number.

In Falán, people received intimidating visits from workers of the mining company and even death threats. For that last one the pro-mining local government even sent the police (and true to the previous steps, despite the clear benefit this brings to MirandaGold, the lack of paper trail makes it impossible to prove a connection).

 

8. Having wreaked havoc, now frame it as a successful story of ‘growth’

Effective communication to portray yourself as a hero means a lot of empty keywords. Describe your project in terms of ‘growth’ and ‘development’. Because who doesn’t want growth and development? Those words mean prosperity, welfare and jobs – right? Just don’t mention anything about the disastrous effects of unchecked growth for both people and the planet. And obviously no need to mention that the prosperity and income from said corporate growth aren’t meant for the local community or those poorer countries. Regardless of how it is shared, communicate that obviously a bigger cake is always desirable. Certainly omit to mention that you got out of paying most of the taxes required of multinationals. And avoid putting emphasis on the fact that the jobs are short term, while the environmental damage is forever.

 

Now it’s up to you

With these steps for success, you will push through your big scale destructive mining project in no time. Let us know if there’s other tactics we should add to the list!

 

Changed your mind about wanting an extractivist mining project? Join us in the struggle to end them.

Corruption, abuse of power, threats, Trojan horses, what is happening in Falán is also happening all over the world.

But resistance is strong. Communities are resisting and fighting for a better world for themselves, their children and for future generations. The inhabitants of Falán are ready to take action and have alternative plans for the future of their village.

Follow Colectivo Ambiental Falán y Frías and Catapa (Instagram/Facebook) to keep up to date on the situation in Falán and other struggles against mining multinationals. You can also join the Catapista volunteer movement and take up an active role in the strive towards a society within the boundaries of both people and planet, towards a world in which mining is no longer necessary.

There is also a new campaign launched by the Network of Persons Affected By Anglogold to denounce and unmask the unethical and violent behaviour of the multinational and demand that they leave Colombian territory. In a web series called ‘Historias Quebradas’ they unveil the malpractices and secrets of Anglogold Ashanti in Colombia. Check out their website and discover how you can support them!

 

This article is the result of a research project conducted by volunteers from CATAPA’s study and lobby working group in collaboration with Colectivo Ambiental Falán y Frías.

Falán: the village in Colombia where the colonial era keeps on recurring

Losing the fight against mining would mean… displacement, death, it would be turning the mountains inside out. It would be the disappearance of the ancestral oral culture. It would put many people in a very bad scenario, people fighting for their survival, for where they live. It would be… to lose the Magdalena River, it would be to lose the Gualí River, it would be to lose endemic species – the frog, the orchid. People would be left with nothing. The people, the animals, the forest… It would be to lose… to lose… to lose it all. To lose it all. – Osiris Ocampo, Falán –

 

It all started some 400 years ago, when the Spanish discovered valuable metals in the mountains of what is now Falán, a Colombian village of 8,000 inhabitants. They opened mines with the aim of exporting as much gold as possible to Europe. These mines were exploited by colonial rule for hundreds of years, after which they were still managed by the British from 1890-1920. The impact on the local community and ecology were what is commonly known of mining: pollution, social disruption and poverty. There is (sadly) more gold to be discovered in Falán’s territory. Three multinationals are hoping to start their projects soon. This time via open pit mining, a form of extraction with much more social and environmental impact than the previous underground mining projects by the Spanish and the British. But resistance is strong. If it were up to the environmentalists in Falán, these projects would not go ahead and the colonization of Falán would stop right now.

 

The Lost City – a memory of Spanish colonization

Anyone who has heard of the village of Falán, located in the north of Tolima province, Colombia, probably also knows their Ciudad Perdida, or the Lost City. This is the village’s main tourist attraction where you can discover a beautiful piece of nature by foot, ziplining or wall-climbing. Definitely worth a visit!

But the place has a dark past. You can visit ruins of the Santa Ana gold and silver mines and the adjacent village, both of which saw the light of day during theSpanish colonization in the 17th century. The territory was previously populated by indigenous communities, who were driven out of their territories or employed in the mines after the arrival of the Spanish. The mines were the direct property of the king of Spain, who called for the implementation of the projects and received the mined gold and silver with open arms. In Falán, on the other hand, both the indigenous community and a beautiful piece of nature were wiped off the map. This was the start of a colonial period that continues today.

The village of Santa Ana (now Falán) was founded, and inhabited by Spanish mining workers, and over many decades kilometers of tunnels were dug into the mountains in search of high concentrations of gold and silver.

 

Recession after English mines

After the war of independence, the concessions for the mines were given to British companies and operated again for decades, until the 1920s. At various sites in Falán and Frías (a municipal district attached to Falán), old mines were reactivated and new ones opened. Miles of new tunnels were dug in the mountains to engage in underground mining.

The inhabitants of Falán and Frías do not keep fond memories of this period. The stories that come back include dead ‘quebradas’, which are gorges between two mountains through which a water source runs. Due to pollution and water consumption from British mines 100 years ago, animal life is barely detectable in those places today.

Another story that recurs again and again is the story of economic recession and social problems as a result of mining. After the companies decided to stop mining for not being profitable enough, the entire village went through a difficult period. After 40 years of mining, the inhabitants had become very dependent on mining and therefore a sudden closure was accompanied by recession and social disruption. Temporary economic growth and job opportunities in the region were quickly exchanged for a long period of poverty and economic recovery. Those are the stories that still circulate in the village, where the vast majority of residents now depend again on agriculture. This is a slightly more stable form of income, but the region still suffers from a high poverty rate.

Moreover, because of this strong agricultural history, the inhabitants of Falán and Frías do not see themselves as miners – after all, the mines were always colonial and managed by occupiers. Just like the colonial period 400 years earlier, the exploitation of foreign mining companies brought a lot of problems to Falán. The mined gold was exported, while they left the impacts in Colombia. This shows striking similarities with the Spanish colonisation 400 years earlier.

 

A neoliberal course

More recently, Colombian economic policies and specifically changes in land-use policies are also indicative of the livelihoods and well-being of rural farmers today. Historically, the vast majority of Colombia’s population has been campesinos or farmers living off agriculture, cattle ranching, fishing, or artisanal mining, settled in remote and often hard-to-reach places in relatively autonomous communities. Since the 1950s, Colombian economic policy has focused on shaping the economy more ‘effectively’ by driving peasant families off their land so that large industrial farms and (more recently) monocultures can take their place. The history of this economic policy is bloody. Many campesinos were driven out or killed so that their land would become available. In addition, this economic policy was one of the causes of the protracted civil war, and many campesinos were victims of the violence between the guerrillas and the state. Many were dispossessed of their land and their lives in the countryside.

In the 1990s and 2000s, under pressure from international organisations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, Colombia’s economy (and mining sector) was neoliberalised. Companies were privatised, regulations weakened, and the sector opened up to the international free-market economy. As in the rest of South America, and many other ‘poor’ or ‘underdeveloped’ countries, extraction was henceforth done by multinational companies from ‘rich’ countries. They pocket by far most of the profits, pay little tax to the Colombian state (which should lead to ‘development’), while the local population is merely left with the immense environmental, social and economic impact, with no say in their own future. International neoliberal policies, and consequently the arrival of multinational mining companies, is another chapter in the long history of imperialism that dispossessed peasants of their land, and destroyed their economic resources, health, peace, and lives.

 

Colonisation in the year 2023

The story is not over yet. Once again, there is interest from other countries in the territory. Three multinationals were granted permits to explore 36,000 hectares for precious metals. This time with the aim of starting open pit mining, a form of extraction that is many times more disruptive to the wider region than the underground tunnel mining that previously took place in Falán. This is because in this type of mining, as the name insinuates, the entire mountain, including the ecosystem, is transformed into a ‘pit’ – a large dead hole where there used to be life. It also requires an enormous amount of water, uses a large amount of hazardous chemicals, and creates a lot of toxic waste.

Cerro de Pasco mine, Peru ©Simon Lenskens

Among the Falán residents there are justified concerns. Exploration alone raises concerns, as this involves drilling holes 200 metres deep into the ground in the wider area, affecting underground water flows and disrupting life on land. In Líbano, a village some 25km southwest of Falán, many farmers were forced to leave after the opening of the mine led to water scarcity. For a community largely dependent on agriculture, water and healthy soil are recurring concerns. Proud farmers talk about how fertile the soil is in this region, and how much of a future there is for, for example, organic farming of cocoa, coffee, guanabana, maís, yuca, avocado, … The list is endless. For many, being a farmer is not just a profession, but an identity and a way of life. What is threatened by mining exploration is not just their source of income, but the way of life they have built in and with their land. What is threatened is their home, and who they are.

They also express concerns for biodiversity. The area of Falán contains special animal species that are only found in that region, including some bird species and also the ‘rana morada’ or purple frog. The loss of these species, and so too any species that have not yet been discovered, is also a driver of protest. All these reasons come together. The concerns for water and healthy soil needed for their production, the development of an economic dependency, the disruption of biodiversity, and the destruction of their beautiful habitat are summed up in the words of Osiris Ocampo from Falán. “I think the main reason [for resistance] is love. The love for the territory”.

 

A divided people

However, not everyone in Falán is concerned. Small-scale agricultural practices do not earn a lot of money in Colombia, prices of fruits and vegetables are low while growing them involves hard work. Farmers are also highly taxed and receive no support from the government. These factors, together with the high poverty rate, makes many look forward to the new job opportunities that companies promise them.

In vereda Cabandia (a vereda is a district within a municipality) for example environmentalists Damaris and Nicolas stand alone in their fight against the impending projects. They attribute their neighbours’ support to successful bribery practices by the companies on the one hand, but also the low level of education and lack of access to information on the impact of mining. Their vereda is furthest away from the village center where the local school is located. Therefore, many children do not attend school and education levels are in general very low there.

But there are other veredas, such as vereda Santa Filimena, which chose to not support mining. No family there gives permission to the companies to drill holes on their land, and collectively they agreed not to work for the mining companies, who already recruit several residents for the exploration work they’re currently performing.

 

Propaganda in the backpack

However, the propaganda machine is running at full speed. The mining companies in Falán go far in convincing the population of their projects. Multinational Mirandagold is the front-runner in Falán regarding bribery strategies. Farmers there have already been given machetes, food and money as gifts. The company also donated an ambulance to the local hospital. They even created a special game for the children in Falán on Halloween, through which they could win tablets. The company sponsors festivals, Christmas lights and fun activities. Other children were given toys with the company logo in their backpack through the school. And the management of the Cuidad Perdida reserve reveived gifts such as liquor, food, and invitations to meetings with people in charge of the project. However, they did not allow themselves to be bribed and declined the offer. A company that goes to such lengths to convince the population seems to be hiding something sinister… Read more about strategies used by mining companies to push through their projects here.

 

Resistance and alternatives

But the Falánese will not let themselves be defeted! Supported by the Colectivo Ambiental Falán y Frías and the regional Committee Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida, protests are organised regularly. Despite of intimidation and threats. Several protesters already received intimidating visits from employees of the multinationals, and one of them was even threatened with death by the local police after participating in a protest. But even that does not stop them. Among the activists, it sounds unequivocal: we don’t want to repeat Falán’s history again.

Protest action in vereda Cavandia ©Damaris Perdomo

They envisage a very different kind of Falán. A Falán where mining can only be seen in the colonial ruins in the Cuidad Perdida. Where ecotourism flourishes and agriculture is reappraised.

 

What next?

What’s next? The next municipal elections will matter. Only one candidate, Miguel Rubio, is outspoken against the mining projects. Through his own social media channels, he has been protesting against the emerging plans and raising awareness about the impact of mining for years. So the elections in October will be decisive.

What Falán currently needs, according to Luis Barreto Jimenez of the local environmental committee, can be summed up in three words: organisation, education and campaigning. ‘We need to organise and unify the detached environmentalists and send correct information about the impact of mining Falán and Frías through streamlined campaigns, to counter the companies’ propaganda machines.’

Luis Barreto Jimenez in Ciudad Perdida ©CATAPA

This is currently being in process! Together with Catapa, for example, funds are being raised to work on this on a project-by-project basis. The battle is not over yet!

 

This article is the result of a research project carried out by volunteers from CATAPA’s study and lobby working group in collaboration with Colectivo Ambiental Falán y Frías and Willo Molenaar, anthropologist.

Would you like to contribute too?

Are you moved by what you read and wondering how you can contribute to this fight? One very real thing you can do today is making a donation to make the Right To Say No Andes gathering happen!

This gathering is the sixth edition of the partner exchange week of CATAPA  in the fall of 2023 in Ecuador: This is a week of knowledge, concrete practical skill and strategy sharing between affected communities on preventing mining projects from entering and on dealing with the impacts of the presence of mining companies on their lands. The gathering strengthens communities in their local fight and forces bonds and alliances that ensure a united struggle to protect their Right To Say No to mining in the Andes region.

Donate and support the Right To Say No

Mining multinational AngloGold Ashanti unmasked during carnival in Ibagué, Colombia

For the 14th time already the Marcha Carnaval took place in Ibagué last Friday. It’s a festivity, but at the same time a manifestation, for the defense of life, water and other natural resources. Our partner organisation Comité Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida, together with other environmental collectives, mobilises for the march and year after year ten of thousands of people take part to show their peaceful opposition to the destruction and contamination of their territory.

These environmental marches in Ibagué are known to be the biggest ones in Colombia. It all started in 2007, when it was announced that the biggest goldmine in the province was going to be opened up in Cajamarca: the La Colosa mine, a project of multinational Anglogold. Thanks to a strong opposition from locals the mining project was luckily dismissed. But the same multinational continues to carry out other extractive projects in the region, often disguised underneath other company names because of their bad reputation. That’s why everywhere in the march you could see ‘Quita la mascara’ or ‘Remove the mask’, the central slogan of the newly launched campaign ‘Anglogold Nos Toca’ (Anglogold touches us).

The campaign was launched this month by the Network of Persons Affected By Anglogold (la Red de Personas Afectadas por AngloGold) to denounce and unmask the unethical and violent behavior of the multinational and to demand that they leave Colombian territory. In a web series with the name ‘Historias Quebradas’ they unveil the malpractices and secrecies of Anglogold in Colombia. With ‘Fuera Anglogold’ or ‘Anglogold out’ the manifestants regularly made clear last Friday that the company no longer is welcome on their territory.

With music, art, parades and costumes students, unions, collectives and all kind of political and social organisations of the whole region of Tolima showed their resistance against mining and fracking in their region. Manifestation and fighting for their right to say no to destructive projects, uniting all of those who believe that water is more important than gold.

 

Right To Say No – From Ecuador to Belgium

This year two activists and colleagues from Ecuador have participated in the Right To Say No. Danila Andagoya, member of the Youth Network of the Andean Chocó, and Nathalia Bonilla, from Acción Ecológica, have shared their work in defence of the territory and have left us several tips for action from Europe. Both activists are fighting in the district of Quito to stop mining projects in the lands where they live and the harmful effects that multinational mining companies bring to their communities and the environment. 

For two intense weeks the Catapistas have been involved in organising and participating in different events, meetings and activities to make this year’s Speaker Tour a success. 

Re-live our Right To Say ‘No’ events from the last weeks:

The first event we held was the KickOff with numerous Catapistas who were very interested in learning about Danila and Natalia’s work. A welcome that we held at De Kleine Sikkel (Ghent).

During that weekend, in addition to preparing the future meetings and events planned for the coming days, Danila and Nathalia were able to learn more about the culture and architecture of Ghent, and participated in a dialogue in Pandenmisten together with activists from different parts of the world. 

On Monday 27th February we held a meeting with members of EEB and the international coalition Right To Say No. The week continued with a meeting with the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of environmental defenders Michael Forst. A very relevant meeting in which Danila and Nathalia were able to share in first person the reality that environmental defenders live in Ecuador. 

The day continued with a networking event with the Global Right To Say No coalition, an event where defenders and activists from different territories worked together. The day ended with the event Putting Rights First in the Green Transition – Due Diligence, Environmental Justice and the Right to Say No which was held at the European Parliament. At this event, activists from Ecuador, Brazil, Sweden, Indonesia and Chile were able to present to MEPs the consequences and impacts of extractive industries on the rights, lands and environments of indigenous peoples worldwide.

The week continued with different events with students in Brussels, Ghent and Antwerp, as well as a dialogue table with numerous organisations that make up the Belgium and Latin America and the Caribbean Platform, which is coordinated by 11.11.11.

In order to show the synergies between the struggles of Belgian and Ecuadorian communities, we organised the event: From Ecuador to Ghent: towards a world without mining. Through this action many citizens of Ghent were able to participate and learn how we can organise ourselves to work together against mining. 

A couple of days later, Danila and Nathalia together with several Capatistas visited Plombières, one of the Belgian towns where mining has taken place. A day in which the defenders were able to learn about the history of mining in Belgium and the consequences it had on the area. 

To mark International Women’s Day, we organised a round table discussion with Danila and Nathalia, together with Guatemalan activist Susana López. In this space, women comrades from Ecuador and Guatemala shared their realities regarding their right to say NO to mining projects, but also the personal and work situations in which the system says NO to them. Situations of discrimination and sexism that we must continue to fight to change.

The last public event in which the comrades took part was in Bruges together with the Masereelfond cultural fund. The event was very well attended by the public, who were able to learn how you can be part of the who could learn how you can be part of a movement that says “yes” to degrowth and “no” to mining.

The last day of this trip was the 8th of March. During the morning we had brunch at BOS+ together with members of the organisation. Afterwards we were given a guided tour of the Gontrode forest, where we could see how they work in the defence of the forests in Belgium and where Danila shared different experiences of how the communities protect the forest of Chocó.

The day ended with participation in the march for International Women’s Day. A day of vindication for the rights of women, especially women defenders of the territory.

CATAPA is grateful for the energy and knowledge that Nathalia and Danila shared in the many events that were organised. These two weeks have also been made possible thanks to the participation of numerous Catapists and organisations that have collaborated to raise awareness and synergies in order for the Belgian community to also take action against mining projects in Latin America.

The Right To Say No in Ecuador

The Right to Say No, from Ecuador to Belgium

Message from Danila


Attending the Speaker Tour has been a very nice experience, in which I was able to share in front of different audiences the work done together with my organisation “Red de Jóvenes del Chocó Andino” in our territory, about the resistance of my community that has been threatened by extractivism for more than 30 years and my own experience living and working in this territory that I consider my home.

They were weeks full of activities where I had the opportunity to meet wonderful people who are fighting from their different places and positions against extractivism, the damage of nature and the destruction of the existing forms of life in the threatened territories. For me it was important to make known what we are experiencing in my community, as we often feel that we are not listened to, we feel that we are alone in the defence of our territories and that we are so distant from other realities; and to feel these gestures of support from other people, to feel that they listen to us carefully and are concerned about what happens to us and to establish links to work together, are situations that comfort us and give us strength to continue.

I am very grateful to CATAPA and to all the people who worked very hard to make the Speaker Tour happen, for making us get to know places with a lot of history (many of them inspiring), the culture, the forests and above all for making us feel at home. I also congratulate them for bringing these real voices of the territories that are threatened by extractivism; they want to erase us from our territories in order to take away all our natural wealth that we protect every day with the story of achieving a green transition. From this experience I take with me very pleasant memories, friendships, knowledge and the hope that we are working for a better planet for our future generations.

Message from Nathalia

For me the Speaker Tour has been a very positive activity, where I have had the opportunity to make part of Belgian society aware of the impacts that
mining generates on indigenous peoples and women, peasants and Afro-descendants, it has been an opportunity to raise awareness on this issue. I would also like to highlight the advocacy work carried out in the European Parliament, as the discussion on the due process that European companies operating outside their territory must follow is transcendental and could have positive effects in Latin American countries.

On the other hand, the debate and the position on the right to say NO is also extremely important, as it includes the right to free and informed prior consultation and respect for the decision of the peoples to refuse destructive extractive activities that would destroy nature, ecosystems and ways of life in their territory. 

The right to say NO to extractivism (oil, minerals, agro-industry/oil palm) means at the same time a YES to the life that already exists, to their own economies, to local ways of living well, to food sovereignty, to their own cultures where there is ancestral wisdom that is still unknown to Western societies.

Internal kick-off

On Friday, February 24, CATAPA volunteers came together to welcome Ecuadorian activists Nathalia Bonilla and Danila Andagoya. During a fun and inspiring evening in Ghent, the Catapistas discovered Danila and Nathalia’s stories about their struggle against mining around the Ecuadorian capital Quito. Danila and Nathalia, each in their own way, fight every day for the right to say “no” (internal left).

Their opposition to mining projects in their communities and within their organizations may seem far from our minds, but it is not. The uninhibited consumption of electronics, among other things, the green transition, individual electric mobility: our conscious and unconscious choices as a society have global consequences.

Catapistas believe that we also have the right to say “no” to uninhibited economic growth and our current economic model. The right to say “no” is always prohibited to a “yes. We, along with many other movements and citizens, say ‘yes’ to a different way of organizing our society, .

Discover together with CATAPA what Nathalia/(and)/Danila can teach us about the right to say ‘no’. During [name event] we will, through their story, take a critical look at the system that makes their struggle necessary. You will also immediately learn how you can be part of a movement that says ‘yes’ to de-growth and de-mining.



Activist Exchange

What can Ghent and Flemish activists learn from a struggle against mining in Quito, Ecuador? We found out on Sunday, February 26, at the Pandemists in the Peace House. During this interactive workshop we brainstormed about our work as activists and the importance of campaigning, shared techniques and good practices and found inspiration in each other’s motivations and perseverance.

Nathalia and Danila shared their story of struggle in Quito, where they succeeded in forcing the government to hold a referendum on mining in the region. Their mobilization, organization and long-term work brought out many stories of activists here in Belgium, and their preparations for actions and campaigns.

What came up specifically, from the European activists (there were also people from Germany, Slovakia and Turkey) was that resilience requires community, celebration and enjoyment of life. You can only fight a battle if you support each other, and humor and elation are needed from time to time so that we don’t lose hope in what is often a David versus Goliath struggle.

Each of us had our own background, perspective and story. A very diverse group to engage in conversation with, yet one thing was clear: activism, for a better, fairer, greener, more equal world is a long-term work and one struggle we all share. Telling our stories, what went right, what went wrong, how to do better, and how to always find inspiration and hope to keep going – that’s what we found together that evening. From Ghent to Quito, and back.

Conversation evening with Nathalia

On Thursday, March two, Nathalia Bonilla was a guest at UGent’s Campus Boekentoren. Interested students and other people from Ghent came to listen to Nathalia Bonilla of Acción Ecológica, an organization in Ecuador involved in the Quito Sin Mineria campaign.

Nathalia delivered the message that the right to say no to mining projects is a right to say yes to life and nature. It is important to protect communities from extractivism because it often leaves them unhealthier, poorer and with fewer resources.

Our hunger for resources is fueled by our lifestyle and our belief that a green transition can still tolerate more consumption. This drives the expansion of mining projects, the costs of which are often borne by those who do not reap the benefits. Doing more with less and knowing what is enough is therefore becoming a key issue in the path to a just transition. Reuse, sharing, repair and circularity play a big role in this, both in everyday electronics and mobility.

Many interesting questions came from the audience: How did you get a referendum done? How many people did you mobilize? The commitment, drive and perseverance of our Ecuadorian activist inspired many a listening ear.

Our struggles are not unrelated: what happens in Ecuador has an impact on us, and vice versa. With the EU opening the door to large-scale mining projects in Europe, it is all the more important to strengthen and connect this global struggle for justice. To learn, to share, and to learn to share. A fight for a world without extractivism.

Conversation evening with Danila

On Tuesday evening, March 7, there was the Conversation Night in Bruges, organized by CATAPA in collaboration with De Snuffel and the Masereel Fund. The Masereel Fund (named after artist Frans Masereel) is a progressive cultural fund that looks at today’s society from a critical angle. 

It was the first time I was able to attend a CATAPA Speakers Tour event and I found the setting very successful. The audience was seated among various artworks and sculptures which added an extra dimension to Hanne and Danila’s stories. 

Danila is an Ecuadorian activist who opposes the mining projects in her home area and is also committed to addressing the effects of mining that are harmful to the environment and the communities that live there. 

It was the first time I witnessed Danila’s harrowing stories live. I had already read her story but hearing it once with her own words and experiences felt different, it was much more gripping and poignant this way. Often the effects of mining are a distant memory, but the way Danila told her story, full of passion and modesty, made me feel as if I had been there myself. In this way, it gave me extra motivation to help and support her (as well as other movements) against this injustice.



IV National Meeting of Community Environmental Community Environmental Monitors and Watchmen of Peru

Last week, 22nd – 24th March, several Environmental Vigilance Committees of GRUFIDES participated in ‘The IV National Meeting of Community Environmental Watchers and Monitors’ in Ayacucho alongside committees from the regions of La Libertad, Pasco, Junín, Ayacucho, Chosica -Lima, Apurímac, Cusco, Moquegua y Puno.

The aim was to strengthen our capacities and share experiences of water monitoring in areas affected by mining projects. The delegation of Cajamarca was the largest present at the meeting by some distance.

On World Water Day, we visited the community of Santa Fe, Cangallo province in the mountains of Ayacucho, at around 4,500m altitude. There, in a powerful display of hope and defiance in the face of the destructive impact of large scale mining on our communities, regions from across Peru made an offering to the lake and sang protest songs.

River that runs alongside the community of Sante Fe, in which the committees from various regions conducted several tests to monitor the quality of the water. Photo Copyright: CATAPA

Afterwards, we practiced different methodologies of water monitoring along a stretch of the river that flows alongside the community of Santa Fe.

Although the results indicated that the river is clean and suitable for consumption, during the meeting it was revealed that the entire area Sante Fe is concessioned to the mining company BHP, without the knowledge of the local community. According to CooperAction, 27.8% of the entire region of Ayacucho is concessioned to mining companies, including at least 16% of the province of Cangallo, in which Santa Fe is located.

Map of mining concessions, region of Ayacucho, 2022. Photo Copyright: CooperAction, 2022.

During the following days, we planned actions for the upcoming year and discussed measures to escalate and strengthen our movement on the national and regional level of Cajamarca to say Yes to Water and No to Mining.

The current political crisis was also discussed, particularly in relation to mining. According to Jaime Borda of Red Muqui, the first 100 days of Dina Boluarte has seen a reactivation of the mining industry, with the looming threat that abandoned mining projects such as Conga could be reactivated. 

In the face of this, representatives present at the meeting released a joint statement with several demands, including a denunciation of the assassination of 49 protestors  committed by the police and armed forces, recognition by law of the work of water monitoring committees, the resignation of Dina Boluarte, the convening of new elections and the initiation of the process for a new constitution with the active participation of indigenous peoples and social organisations. You can read the full declaration here.

Step by step, via initiatives such as the water monitoring committees, we as communities impacted by mining are learning more about our rivers, and how to care for and protect them. 

We are water defenders, guardians of the gift which gives us life. State institutions must respect and recognise this, and work with us to protect our water resources for the generations to come. 

Written by Connor Cashell, CATAPA Global Engagement Officer Peru and volunteer for GRUFIDES.

Bibliography: 

World Water Day: we must defend our right to clean drinking water

Representatives of the community of La Lucma following the route of one of their local rivers. Photo copyright: CATAPA.

Every year, since 1993, World Water Day is celebrated to raise awareness about the global crisis of access to water, and to take action to defend our rights.

According to the UN, more than two billion people are still without access to drinkable water. There is a critical situation in the province of Cajamarca, which is one of the regions of Peru with the highest number of houses without access to clean water. 42% of houses within the city of Cajamarca lack access to water apt for human consumption.

One of the driving forces denying Cajamarquinxs access to their fundamental right to water is large-scale mining.. Between the end of October and the beginning of November 2022, the entire city of Cajamarca suffered from severe drinking water shortages. According to several reports, this was caused by a decrease in water supply from the Rio Grande dam, controlled by the Yanacocha mining company. During this time, several citizens and journalists reported seeing highly contaminated water and dead fish within the Rio Grande dam catchment area.

In this context, GRUFIDES and CATAPA have been working together since 2020 on a series of projects that aim to provide local communities affected by mining the tools to create their own committees to monitor the quality of their rivers.

This project has been essential for building the autonomy and knowledge of local communities within Cajamarca to take control of the monitoring of their water supply and to demand the right to safe and healthy drinking water from the local authorities. Rather than laboratories or governmental agencies, this places the power and knowledge directly in the hands of local communities to care for their rivers and make collective decisions in defence of their territories.

Who knows their territory and rivers better than the communities who have lived there for generations?

Bambamarca: insight into the building of collective knowledge and the right to say no

These water monitoring committees have acted as a catalyst for organised community resistance against further mining developments. In March 2023, GRUFIDES visited the community of La Lucma in Bambamarca, a few hours north of the city of Cajamarca. In a highly moving meeting, representatives of the local community shared their experiences and participated in a water monitoring workshop. Several testimonies claimed numerous mining projects have caused high levels of contamination of their rivers, infecting children with mercury poisoning, and impacting agriculture on which their livelihoods depend.

As part of the visit, the group collected several samples along a thirty metre stretch of the river. The process of sample collection is highly accessible and simple in practice. Participants collectively retrieve water samples in several points of the river with a net. The soil at the bottom of the net is then poured into a tub, to analyse what benthic macroinvertebrates (aquatic animals without backbones that can be seen without the use of a microscope) are present. The presence of particular macroinvertebrates is an important indicator of water quality, with some only able to survive in fresh, clean water, or vice versa in very polluted conditions.

It was clear from the very first moment that the river was extremely contaminated from the mining projects up stream. The river was the colour orange, with a strong smell of chemicals. In fact, there was zero presence of any macroinvertebrates in the samples. The river is so polluted that nothing is able to survive in the water that the entire community of Bambamarca depends on.

Group from the local community of La Lucma monitoring the conditions of their local river. Photo copyright of CATAPA.

After the collection process, the group reconvened to record the results, share their testimonies and collectively decide a way forward. Representatives signed an agreement declaring they would bring the results back to the wider community to push for the collective organisation of several water monitoring committees to declare their Right To Say No to further encroachment of mining activities, and demand the local authorities take action.

Next Steps: Organisation for the defence of territories and the right to clean water

To mark World Water Day, GRUFIDES will convene a forum of dialogue in the city of Cajamarca to provide a platform for water defenders to share their testimonies, analyse the water crisis and demand the right to safe and clean water in Cajamarca.

Water monitoring committees from across Peru will also convene in Ayacucho from the 21st – 25th March to share experiences, compare methodologies and strengthen the capacity of movements fighting for access to clean water in their territories.

Article written by Connor Cashell, Global Engagement CATAPA officer (GECO) at Cajamarca, Peru.

 

Bibliography

Instituto Nacional de Estadistica e Informatica, Perú (2020). Perú: Formas de Acceso al Agua y Saneamiento Básico. (Accessed: 20 March 2023)

MAS-Cajamarca (2014) Niña recita hermoso poema contra proyecto Conga (Cajamarca) 6 August. (Accessed 20 March 2023)

Stakeholders Sostenibilidad (2022) ‘Cajamarca, la tierra de Pedro Castillo, sufre por falta de agua potable’, 2 November 2022, Stakeholders. (Accessed: 20 March 2023).

United Nations (2023) Dia Mundial del Agua, 22 Marzo. (Accessed: 20 March 2023).

mining area in Kori Chaca Bolivia

The EU Raw Materials Week: time to dig in

The Brussels Way

The EU Raw Materials Week kicked off in Brussels this Monday, November 14. This summit, organised by the European Commission’s Directorate-General for the Internal Market, focuses on one fundamental question: how can we ensure that the European Union has enough raw materials to meet our prosperity and well-being?

Raw materials underpin our societies and economies. Grain is a raw material, which we use to bake bread and feed the population. Copper is a metal we mine, which we then use to make power cables that power households. The same goes for any product you have ever bought: a sandwich, a jar of peanut butter, a phone, laptop, fridge, car or a cargo bike.

Read more “The EU Raw Materials Week: time to dig in”