IV National Meeting of Community Environmental Community Environmental Monitors and Watchmen of Peru

Last week, 22nd – 24th March, several Environmental Vigilance Committees of GRUFIDES participated in ‘The IV National Meeting of Community Environmental Watchers and Monitors’ in Ayacucho alongside committees from the regions of La Libertad, Pasco, Junín, Ayacucho, Chosica -Lima, Apurímac, Cusco, Moquegua y Puno.

The aim was to strengthen our capacities and share experiences of water monitoring in areas affected by mining projects. The delegation of Cajamarca was the largest present at the meeting by some distance.

On World Water Day, we visited the community of Santa Fe, Cangallo province in the mountains of Ayacucho, at around 4,500m altitude. There, in a powerful display of hope and defiance in the face of the destructive impact of large scale mining on our communities, regions from across Peru made an offering to the lake and sang protest songs.

River that runs alongside the community of Sante Fe, in which the committees from various regions conducted several tests to monitor the quality of the water. Photo Copyright: CATAPA

Afterwards, we practiced different methodologies of water monitoring along a stretch of the river that flows alongside the community of Santa Fe.

Although the results indicated that the river is clean and suitable for consumption, during the meeting it was revealed that the entire area Sante Fe is concessioned to the mining company BHP, without the knowledge of the local community. According to CooperAction, 27.8% of the entire region of Ayacucho is concessioned to mining companies, including at least 16% of the province of Cangallo, in which Santa Fe is located.

Map of mining concessions, region of Ayacucho, 2022. Photo Copyright: CooperAction, 2022.

During the following days, we planned actions for the upcoming year and discussed measures to escalate and strengthen our movement on the national and regional level of Cajamarca to say Yes to Water and No to Mining.

The current political crisis was also discussed, particularly in relation to mining. According to Jaime Borda of Red Muqui, the first 100 days of Dina Boluarte has seen a reactivation of the mining industry, with the looming threat that abandoned mining projects such as Conga could be reactivated. 

In the face of this, representatives present at the meeting released a joint statement with several demands, including a denunciation of the assassination of 49 protestors  committed by the police and armed forces, recognition by law of the work of water monitoring committees, the resignation of Dina Boluarte, the convening of new elections and the initiation of the process for a new constitution with the active participation of indigenous peoples and social organisations. You can read the full declaration here.

Step by step, via initiatives such as the water monitoring committees, we as communities impacted by mining are learning more about our rivers, and how to care for and protect them. 

We are water defenders, guardians of the gift which gives us life. State institutions must respect and recognise this, and work with us to protect our water resources for the generations to come. 

Written by Connor Cashell, CATAPA Global Engagement Officer Peru and volunteer for GRUFIDES.

Bibliography: 

World Water Day: we must defend our right to clean drinking water

Representatives of the community of La Lucma following the route of one of their local rivers. Photo copyright: CATAPA.

Every year, since 1993, World Water Day is celebrated to raise awareness about the global crisis of access to water, and to take action to defend our rights.

According to the UN, more than two billion people are still without access to drinkable water. There is a critical situation in the province of Cajamarca, which is one of the regions of Peru with the highest number of houses without access to clean water. 42% of houses within the city of Cajamarca lack access to water apt for human consumption.

One of the driving forces denying Cajamarquinxs access to their fundamental right to water is large-scale mining.. Between the end of October and the beginning of November 2022, the entire city of Cajamarca suffered from severe drinking water shortages. According to several reports, this was caused by a decrease in water supply from the Rio Grande dam, controlled by the Yanacocha mining company. During this time, several citizens and journalists reported seeing highly contaminated water and dead fish within the Rio Grande dam catchment area.

In this context, GRUFIDES and CATAPA have been working together since 2020 on a series of projects that aim to provide local communities affected by mining the tools to create their own committees to monitor the quality of their rivers.

This project has been essential for building the autonomy and knowledge of local communities within Cajamarca to take control of the monitoring of their water supply and to demand the right to safe and healthy drinking water from the local authorities. Rather than laboratories or governmental agencies, this places the power and knowledge directly in the hands of local communities to care for their rivers and make collective decisions in defence of their territories.

Who knows their territory and rivers better than the communities who have lived there for generations?

Bambamarca: insight into the building of collective knowledge and the right to say no

These water monitoring committees have acted as a catalyst for organised community resistance against further mining developments. In March 2023, GRUFIDES visited the community of La Lucma in Bambamarca, a few hours north of the city of Cajamarca. In a highly moving meeting, representatives of the local community shared their experiences and participated in a water monitoring workshop. Several testimonies claimed numerous mining projects have caused high levels of contamination of their rivers, infecting children with mercury poisoning, and impacting agriculture on which their livelihoods depend.

As part of the visit, the group collected several samples along a thirty metre stretch of the river. The process of sample collection is highly accessible and simple in practice. Participants collectively retrieve water samples in several points of the river with a net. The soil at the bottom of the net is then poured into a tub, to analyse what benthic macroinvertebrates (aquatic animals without backbones that can be seen without the use of a microscope) are present. The presence of particular macroinvertebrates is an important indicator of water quality, with some only able to survive in fresh, clean water, or vice versa in very polluted conditions.

It was clear from the very first moment that the river was extremely contaminated from the mining projects up stream. The river was the colour orange, with a strong smell of chemicals. In fact, there was zero presence of any macroinvertebrates in the samples. The river is so polluted that nothing is able to survive in the water that the entire community of Bambamarca depends on.

Group from the local community of La Lucma monitoring the conditions of their local river. Photo copyright of CATAPA.

After the collection process, the group reconvened to record the results, share their testimonies and collectively decide a way forward. Representatives signed an agreement declaring they would bring the results back to the wider community to push for the collective organisation of several water monitoring committees to declare their Right To Say No to further encroachment of mining activities, and demand the local authorities take action.

Next Steps: Organisation for the defence of territories and the right to clean water

To mark World Water Day, GRUFIDES will convene a forum of dialogue in the city of Cajamarca to provide a platform for water defenders to share their testimonies, analyse the water crisis and demand the right to safe and clean water in Cajamarca.

Water monitoring committees from across Peru will also convene in Ayacucho from the 21st – 25th March to share experiences, compare methodologies and strengthen the capacity of movements fighting for access to clean water in their territories.

Article written by Connor Cashell, Global Engagement CATAPA officer (GECO) at Cajamarca, Peru.

 

Bibliography

Instituto Nacional de Estadistica e Informatica, Perú (2020). Perú: Formas de Acceso al Agua y Saneamiento Básico. (Accessed: 20 March 2023)

MAS-Cajamarca (2014) Niña recita hermoso poema contra proyecto Conga (Cajamarca) 6 August. (Accessed 20 March 2023)

Stakeholders Sostenibilidad (2022) ‘Cajamarca, la tierra de Pedro Castillo, sufre por falta de agua potable’, 2 November 2022, Stakeholders. (Accessed: 20 March 2023).

United Nations (2023) Dia Mundial del Agua, 22 Marzo. (Accessed: 20 March 2023).

Verzet Wereldwijd: A night of resistance and solidarity!

What does saying ‘no’ mean to you? If a mining corporation decided to use your home for their new extractivist project – would you be able to stop them? And as well as saying no to extraction and pollution, how able are you to say yes to another way of living, that works with the natural world and within planetary boundaries?

On the 2nd December, environmental frontline defenders from Ecuador, Brazil, Ireland and Belgium came together in De Studio in Antwerp for a night of activities around the ‘right to say no.’

Organised by CATAPA in collaboration with CIDSE, Grondrecht and Fridays For Future Antwerp, the event was designed to share stories and experiences of frontline defenders, and build solidarity in the worldwide movement against extractivism.

The diversity of the speakers and of the event – which was held simultaneously in English, Dutch and Spanish – reflected both the diversity of the experiences of those participating, and the unity of a movement that transcends languages and geography.

The night kicked off with a speech by Jakob Cleymans, one of the founders of Fridays for Future Antwerp and of democratic supermarket Coop Centraal. He spoke of the importance of better including youth in discussions around climate action on a political level and the concept of MAPA – most affected people and areas.

Following this, we heard from a panel of female frontline defenders. V’cenza Cirefice, Irish ecofeminist researcher, artist and activist, and part of CAIM (Communities Against the Injustice of Mining). She spoke about the importance of viewing anti-extractivism through a feminist lens.

“At the forefront of the anti-mining movement in Ireland are women. It is women that are experiencing first hand the impacts (of mining), such as water pollution.” 

Ivonne Ramos, an Ecuadorian environmental and human rights activist who coordinates the national campaign of Acción Ecológica on the ecological and social impact of mining and the #QuitoSinMinería campaign, echoed this. 

“By working with women in both the urban and rural areas of Ecuador, we have created a kind of sisterhood of resistance.” 

We also heard from Hedwig Rooman, member of the Belgian organisation Grondrecht, a collective of concerned citizens demanding justice on PFAS pollution in their environment and its effects on themselves, their children and grandchildren. 

“We all have a right to the protection of our environment and health, thanks to the universal declaration of human rights. This right is enshrined in the Belgian Constitution.” 

After the panel discussion, artistic organisation Atelier Rojo led a collective imagination session to foster creativity and solidarity. 

The night rounded off with some live music by Roger de Bortoli and Arno Foppe, and empanadas courtesy of Antwerp business Monte Maiz. 

This event is just one of many upcoming opportunities to get involved and learn more about the Right to Say No campaign. Find out more about this new campaign on our website.

Article by catapista Cass Hebron – pictures by catapista Estefanía Moreno Amador

The Right to Say ‘No’ in Ecuador: the #QuitoSinMineria campaign

Collecting 200.000 signatures by October 2022, this is the goal of the ongoing campaign “Quito sin mineria”. The campaign was launched in March 2022 by a group of organizations, collectives and people from the towns in the northwest of Quito who want to defend the Metropolitan District of Quito (MDQ) from mining. With the campaign they want to collect enough signatures to let the inhabitants of northwestern Quito decide for themselves whether they agree or not with mining in Ecuador’s Chocó Andino Biosphere reserve. Although seeking public consultation is a constitutional right in the country, the campaign is a large undertaking, especially given Ecuador’s mining favorite climate and the ongoing violations against environmental and human rights defenders. 

The Chocó Andino: one of the most biodiverse places in the world

So, what is the Chocó Andino and why is it so important to protect it? The Chocó Andino is located in northern Ecuador, in the Pichincha province, north-west of the capital city of Quito. It is one of the last remaining forests in Quito, designated by UNESCO as biosphere reserve in 2018 [1]. Biosphere reserves are sites where core protected areas are combined with zones where sustainable development is fostered. These sites are great spaces for ‘understanding and managing changes and interactions between social and ecological systems, including conflict prevention and management of biodiversity’ [2].

Photo of the region threatened by mining. Credit: Antonella Calle Avilés

The Chocó Andino region has received this UNESCO designation because it is a very particular area, covering the humid forest lowlands of the Chocó – Darien (which extend from Panama to the Ecuadorian West) and the Northern Andean Mountain Forests [3]. With an area of 286,805 hectares, the Chocó Andino represents 83% of the Metropolitan District of Quito and constitutes the lungs of the Ecuadorian capital and its surrounding areas. Its forests remove at least 266,000 tons of carbon from the atmosphere annually, which helps to reduce global warming [4]. 

It is an area of global importance for its biodiversity, which includes nine protected forests, four conservation and sustainable use areas, the Ecological Corridor for the Andean Bear [5] and more than 35 nature reserves. It is home to an estimated 150 species of mammals (21% of which are in danger of extinction), 90 species of reptiles (57% of which are in danger of extinction), 120 species of amphibians (51% which could become extinct in the future, 640 species of birds (20% of which are also in danger of extinction) and more than 3,000 species of plants (representing 12% of all plants in Ecuador of which more than 80% could disappear) [6]. 

Photo of the region threatened by mining. Credit: Antonella Calle Avilés

The region has more than 21.000 inhabitants and includes the parishes of Calacalí, Nono, Nanegal, Nanegalito, Gualea and Pacto, which form the Mancomunidad del Chocó Andino, as well as the cantons of San Miguel de los Bancos and Pedro Vicente Maldonado [7]. Quito’s Chocó Andino Region also has a very important cultural heritage, especially of the indigenous Yumbo, KituKara and Inca peoples. At least 528 archaeological sites have been found in the area [8]. 

The Chocó Andino under threat

Despite the unique characteristics of the region and its vital importance, the region is under imminent threat. Currently, 12 metallic mining concessions have been granted, occupying 17.863 hectares and another 6 concessions are in process, occupying 9.899 hectares within the Chocó Andino Biosphere Reserve [9]. Developing mining activities in such sensitive areas as the Chocó Andino can have very serious environmental and social impacts that could permanently affect biodiversity and the territory [10]. 

This has already been shown in areas of similar ecological significance in Ecuador, for example in the Cordillera del Condor (located in the province of Zamora Chinchipe). In 2012, the Ecuadorian State signed a contract for large-scale mining with EcuaCorriente SA, which enabled the exploration and production of copper in one of Ecuador’s other mega-diverse and fragile ecosystems [11]. For years, environmental organizations and critics have raised concerns about the numerous social and environmental impacts resulting from the Condor Mirador mining project [12]. Since 2014, more than 30 families have been displaced from their land and the threat of eviction haunts families to this day [13]. Major environmental problems include the treatment of residues, water pollution and deforestation of the Cordillera del Condor’s biodiverse mountain areas [14]. A study by Dr. Steven H. Emerman, for example, revealed the environmental risks of one of the tailings dams. The slope and height of the dam (with its 260 meters – the highest tailings dam in the world), he says,  will inevitably lead to an ecological and social disaster, as it will not withstand earthquakes or floods, which are common in this region of Ecuador [15].

However, in the Chocó Andino, as in other regions in Ecuador, various economic alternatives exist that could replace the need for extractive mining. The Chocó Andino area is known for its organic agriculture, as more than 450 organic products are produced in Quito’s Chocó Andino, several of which are exported abroad: coffee, chocolate, milk, fruits, and panela [16]. Another source of income and way of living is agro-ecological tourism, with 72 tourist attractions in the area. Twenty-five of those are cultural attractions and 47 are natural sites [17].

Towards a Consulta Popular in Quito

The campaign “Quito sin mineria” opposes mining projects in the Metropolitan District of Quito and the Chocó Andino region. But first and foremost, the initiators of the campaign want the people of northwestern Quito to be able to decide for themselves, through public consultation, whether or not they agree with mining in the region. 

Photo: Mobilisation for the referendum. Credit: Antonella Calle Avilés

The ‘consulta popular’ or referendum is one of the mechanisms that is provided for in the Ecuadorian Constitution (article 104) to guarantee both the right to participate in matters of public interest and the right to be consulted. This may be requested by citizens as well as by the President of the Republic and the decentralized autonomous governments and its result is “mandatory and immediately enforceable” [18]. 

The organizations, collectives and people behind the Quito Sin Minería campaign, find it important to make their voices heard on issues that affect their lives and their futures.

According to Acción Ecológia, Ecuador’s leading environmental organisation, “the role of the State is one of collusion, complicity and negligence in the destruction of alternative life systems to mining development” [19]. The campaign therefore sees a referendum as “the only effective procedure they have left to try to stop mining in their territories” [20] as they will not allow the destruction of one of the most biodiverse areas of the country [21].

To start the process of the referendum, the ‘Quito Sin Mineria’ alliance sent four questions to the Constitutional Court for approval the 12th of january 2022. The Constitutional Court approved the questions on the 4th of may 2022. The questions included in the referendum are the following: 

“Do you agree with the prohibition of large-scale metallic mining within the Metropolitan Subsystem of Natural Protected Areas of the Metropolitan District of Quito; and, within the Area of Ecological, Cultural and Sustainable Productive Development Importance, formed by the territories of the parishes of Nono, Calacalí, Nanegal, Nanegalito, Gualea and Pacto, which make up the Commonwealth of the Andean Chocó?” This question is repeated three more times for the levels of artisanal, small-scale and medium-scale metal mining [22].

Collection of signatures in progress

Photo: Collecting signatures for the referendum. Credit: Antonella Calle Avilés

The inhabitants of the six parishes have now begun to collect signatures throughout the metropolitan district of Quito. Ten percent of the electoral roll (2 million voters) is needed and this means they must gather about 200,000 signatures. “But as there will always be signatures rejected for whatever reason, the goal is to collect around 400,000,” says Ivonne Ramos of Acción Ecológica [23].

However, the collection of signatures is a huge undertaking. On different occasions, municipality officials have already been reported to prevent the collection of signatures in public spaces. The municipality officials either not allowed them to set up the collection spaces and even evicted them from public spaces. All this, while those collecting the signatures are merely exercising their (constitutional) right to seek public consultation [24].

Limitations of the Consulta Popular

As mentioned above, within the Chocó Andino Biosphere Reserve, 12 metallic mining concessions have already been granted and another 6 are in process [25]. The consulta popular will not be able to stop those concessions. However, if the inhabitants of Metropolitan District of Quito vote in favor of the mining ban in Quito, this would at least stop future concessions. 

The “Quito sin minería” campaign in context

From the start of his Presidency, it was quite clear that the economic policy of President Guillermo Lasso’s government would be based on extractivism. The aim of its policy is to increase mining exports and make Ecuador more attractive for foreign investors.

“The economic policy of Ecuadors’ government, based on the deepening of a neoliberal, privatizing, open-minded, extractivist model, which grants enormous privileges to large corporations through Free Trade Agreements and Investment Protection Treaties, can only be achieved through violence against communities, peoples and nature”, writes Acción Ecológica [26].

Photo: Quito Sin Minería (Pacto)

President Lasso strongly believes in mining as one of the most important activities for Ecuador’s economy, emphasizing that “Ecuador fundamentally needs the jobs generated by sustainable mining and the economic resources for programs such as the one undertaken against Chronic Childhood Malnutrition (CCD) or solidarity bonds for those who need them most” [27].

The idea that mining will lift communities out of poverty and create jobs, however, is a myth. Large-scale mining only represents 1.65% of the Gross Domestic Product and employs only 0.12% of the economically active population, while it destroys tens of thousands of jobs linked to agriculture or tourism; The mining sector barely pays taxes but causes serious damage in community territories [28]. Official figures show that the total income from all mining projects would be no more than 0.8% of the money coming into the State. On the other hand, the money produced by mining is very volatile because it depends on international prices. In addition, mining concentrates wealth in the hands of a few [29].

Mining does produce jobs, but very few and of very poor quality. In 2019, the then energy minister said that the mega-mining sector will generate 32 thousand jobs, this is not a big number. Tourism, for example, generates 12 times more jobs. For the construction stage of the mine, mining generates poor quality employment, temporary, long working hours and minimal payments, without considering the effects that the mine generates on the health of workers [30].

The Ecuadorian Government also claims to only support ‘sustainable mining’ i.e. mining which is environmentally responsible and economically beneficial to the country. However, there is no such thing as ‘responsible’ or ‘sustainable’ mining because the pollution caused is inevitable. Even with the use of the most advanced technology, pollution is still one of the biggest problems in mining [31].

Criminalization of environmental defenders

In Ecuador, human rights, collective rights and rights of nature are violated every day. Every day, mining companies continue to devastate natural spaces, contaminating rivers, stripping communities of their sources of livelihood and their ancestral territories [32]. Human rights defenders working to protect the environment, increasingly find themselves targeted and in need of protection. At the beginning of this year, Ecuador’s National Assembly granted amnesty to over 260 environmental, social, indigenous and human rights leaders in the country. While the decision was welcomed by human rights organizations, the granting of amnesty wouldn’t have been necessary if the State had fulfilled its obligations to protect and guarantee the rights of its citizens and the work of human, collective, and nature defenders [33]. Moreover, defenders denounce that despite this, criminalization persists [34]. Since the decision of the National Assembly, there have been more than 100 new criminalizations of defenders in the territories where extractive activities take place. This is also the case in the Chocó Andino region, where those defending the rights of nature and their communities continue to be intimidated, threatened, harassed and persecuted. Already 32 defenders have been criminalized. 

 The Quito sin Mineria campaign: what’s next? . 

Once the period for collecting signatures is over, the National Electoral Council (CNE) must validate the signatures. If the threshold is passed, the entity will have to set a date for the referendum and guarantee the resources for the voting day [35]. The signatures are required to include this consulta popular in the mid-term elections in 2023. This will hopefully allow the inhabitants to exercise their right to public consultation and to safeguard the Metropolitan District of Quito and the Chocó Andino from mining once and for all. 

You can support the campaign by following their networks and share their content to give more visibility to their struggles: 

Twitter: @Quitosinminería

Facebook: @Quitosinminería

Instagram: @Quitosinminería

You can also contribute by donating directly to their campaign account:  https://www.quitosinmineria.com/unete/ 

Written by Catapista Nicky Broeckhoven

Footnotes

[1] https://en.unesco.org/biosphere/lac/choco-andino-pichincha

[2] https://en.unesco.org/biosphere/about

[3] https://en.unesco.org/biosphere/lac/choco-andino-pichincha

[4] https://www.wwf.org.ec/noticiasec/?uNewsID=373970

[5] corredordelosoandino.com 

[6] https://es.mongabay.com/2021/04/piden-consulta-popular-para-prohibir-la-mineria-en-quito/; https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/ 

[7] https://www.labarraespaciadora.com/medio-ambiente/el-choco-andino-el-peligro-de-minar-a-los-pulmones-de-quito/?fbclid=IwAR2JTyMIbAkW261t8xhk0bcrP2kgmM79jcLl6xLflFs89sxBK4yQYprr_bE \

[8] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/

[9] https://es.mongabay.com/2021/04/piden-consulta-popular-para-prohibir-la-mineria-en-quito/ 

[10] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/

[11] https://catapa.be/en/proyecto-mirador-mining-in-cordillera-del-condor-ecuador/

[12] https://ceecec.net/case-studies/mining-conflict-in-cordillera-del-condor/#3.2

[13] https://es.mongabay.com/2022/04/ecuador-proyecto-minero-mirador-genera-amenazas-de-desalojo/

[14] https://www.planv.com.ec/investigacion/investigacion/la-otra-historia-mirador

[15] Emerman, Steven H., Evaluación del Diseño y de la Construcción de las Presas de Relaves para la Mina Mirador, Zamora Chinchipe, Ecuador. Consulted on https://drive.google.com/file/d/16NXX3gReSzkFDpAurGqHdtSi0QPXuyvk/view

[16] Unrefined whole cane sugar

[17] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/

[18] https://revistas.usfq.edu.ec/index.php/lawreview/article/view/2324/2994

[19] https://www.accionecologica.org/serie-por-que-nos-movilizamos-no-3-por-que-las-comunidades-amenazadas-por-la-mineria-participan-en-el-paro-nacional/

[20] https://es.mongabay.com/2021/04/piden-consulta-popular-para-prohibir-la-mineria-en-quito/

[21] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/

[22] https://es.mongabay.com/2021/04/piden-consulta-popular-para-prohibir-la-mineria-en-quito/

[23] https://www.accionecologica.org/investigacion-la-gran-farsa-de-la-anulacion-de-las-firmas-de-la-consulta-por-el-yasuni/

[24] Some of these instances have been shared on the campaign’s twitter account: https://twitter.com/quitosinmineria 

[25] https://es.mongabay.com/2021/04/piden-consulta-popular-para-prohibir-la-mineria-en-quito/

[26] https://www.accionecologica.org/pronunciamiento-de-accion-ecologica-frente-a-las-politicas-neoliberales-y-de-represion-del-gobierno/

[27]  https://www.eltelegrafo.com.ec/noticias/actualidad/44/ecuador-mineria-legal-guillermo-lasso; https://www.ecuadorchequea.com/guillermo-lasso-dijo-que-no-se-puede-dejar-de-explotar-petroleo-ni-minerales/

[28] https://www.accionecologica.org/serie-por-que-nos-movilizamos-no-3-por-que-las-comunidades-amenazadas-por-la-mineria-participan-en-el-paro-nacional/

[29] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/

[30] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/ 

[31] https://www.quitosinmineria.com/preguntas-frecuentes/

[32] Serie ¿Por qué nos movilizamos? – No. 3: ¿Por qué las comunidades amenazadas por la minería participan en el paro nacional? – Acción Ecológica (accionecologica.org) 

[33] https://ddhhecuador.org/sites/default/files/documentos/2022-03/PRONUNCIAMIENTO%20AMNIST%C3%8DAS%20CONCEDIDAS%20POR%20LA%20ASAMBLEA%20NACIONAL%20SON%20UN%20PRECEDENTE%20HIST%C3%93RICO%20CONTRA%20LA%20CRIMINALIZACI%C3%93N%20Y%20PERSECUCI%C3%93N%20A%20PERSONAS%20DEFENSORAS%20DE%20DERECHOS.%2021.03.22_0.pdf 

[34] https://es.mongabay.com/2022/04/asamblea-dio-amnistia-a-268-defensores-pero-la-criminalizacion-persiste-en-ecuador/

[35] https://es.mongabay.com/2021/04/piden-consulta-popular-para-prohibir-la-mineria-en-quito/

tin supply chain part I

The Tin Supply Chain Miniseries, Part I

Monitoring of the Tin Mines in Bolivia

Since autumn 2020, CATAPA vzw has been partnering up with Electronics Watch – an independent monitoring organisation with experts in human rights and global supply chains – and CISEP – Centro de Investigación y Servico Popular, a local Bolivian non-profit organization – to start monitoring tin mining cooperatives in the department of Oruro, Bolivia. This project was funded by Bread for All (BfA). This work is part of a bigger project organised by CATAPA’s Bolivia Working Group: investigating the tin supply chain, from raw material to end product.

Today we are presenting the first part of this research focussed on important findings related to working conditions and human rights (violations) in the Bolivian tin mines. Later on we will also present the findings related to the Bolivian smelters, the import of tin into the EU and the presence of tin in the electronics sector.

Most important findings of the monitoring of the miners

Infographic tin monitoring project Landscape Banner (3)

The interviews with the miners of the cooperatives indicate that:

  • Miners sometimes have to work below 70m depth (related issues: less oxygen, lung diseases, silicosis) without personal protection
  • Wages are calculated daily, but can become more fixed after time (depending on goodwill of the chief)
  • Cooperative miners are paid based on the amount of mineral extracted, wage levels are very untransparent (often only 1% of the gross value of production, which is very low)
  • The miners work long hours, mostly 6 days a week. Some work 12 to 16 hours a day
  • There is large inequality between male and female workers: females are being paid much less because they mostly get jobs outside of the mining galleries (as it is believed bad luck for women to enter the mines) where they search for value among discarded ore 
  • Occupational safety and health prevention systems are almost non-existent
  • There is no access to drinking water in the workplace

More details about the results and the background of the monitoring project can be found further down this page.

CISEP_Mineral extraction galleries
CISEP_Mineral extraction galleries
CISEP_Heavy machinery, in operation and without adequate protection, lack of physical spacers
CISEP_Heavy machinery, in operation and without adequate protection, lack of physical spacers

Conclusions and future steps

Legally it seems that the Bolivian national laws are not being violated, but rather circumvented, as cooperative workers are legally themselves their own employers. CISEP and Electronics Watch are planning to continue working on this project, ultimately aiming to contribute to improved wages and health and safety conditions for the workers. The next steps, amongst others, will include training the cooperative miners on the importance of prevention and the use of protective equipment. 

This is PART I of our miniseries about the monitoring of the tin supply chain. Once the tin ore is extracted, what happens with it? Stay tuned for part II and III: the findings about the Bolivian smelters and under which circumstances tin is imported into the EU and later on, how and when it ends up in the electronics sector.

CISEP_Wood reinforcement yielding to the weight of drilling malpractice (2)
CISEP_Wood reinforcement yielding to the weight of drilling malpractice (2)

More details and background of the monitoring project in the tin mines

20 surveys and 13 interviews were conducted between May and September 2021. Note that the majority of the interviewed cooperative mining workers were male, less than 28 years old and of Quechua origin. This profile is also the most common one, although some females also work there, and some of them have also been interviewed. The surveys and interviews have taken place in the workplace or at site, lasting approximately 30 minutes up to 1 or 2 hours. They were asked mainly about the following topics: form of income, remuneration, health and safety, possible forms of harassment at work (also in terms of gender), production and working hours. 

Also important to know: the main part of the monitoring took place during the Corona pandemic, which prevented a more constant and continuous monitoring because people outside the exploitation had reduced presence in the mining camp. The research might also have been limited by the fear of some of the interviewees to address certain topics like for example environmental issues.

Actually most of the workers are self-employed. This means that miners are not provided with protective and technical equipment or occupational health and safety, which … makes their work dangerous and unhealthy.

The mining cooperatives

The cooperative system is in practice a system of labour “flexibility” in Bolivia, which reduces labour costs within the internal supply chain. Although the cooperative law states that they are obliged to comply with the social laws (such as the general labour law), this applies only when there is an employee/employer relationship.

The cooperative system is in practice a system of labour “flexibility” in Bolivia, which reduces labour costs within the internal supply chain. Although the cooperative law states that they are obliged to comply with the social laws (such as the general labour law), this applies only when there is an employee/employer relationship.

In reality, mostly this is not the case: the cooperative structure is restricted to being a collective management organization for the purchase and sale of minerals, the administration of social security and the access to metal-rich sites owned by the state. So actually most of the workers inside the cooperative mining area are self-employed as cooperative members (employer-and-employee).

The consequences of this self-employment are that miners are not provided with protective and technical equipment or occupational health and safety, which, together with the lack of protective systems in the workplace, makes their work dangerous and unhealthy. The miners’ teams have to provide their own personal protection equipment: they buy their work tools, they pay for the use of the concentration plant and the machinery, they pay for basic services and for the administrative services provided by the cooperative management.

Also investments in new technology are very limited and maintenance services are practically nonexistent, although there is a mechanical workshop to replace parts of essential equipment. On top of that, equal remuneration among all members is not guaranteed due to this management model of the mining cooperative system in Bolivia.

Labour contracts for apprentices

The people who work in the concentration plant (instead of those inside the galleries) are paid a basic national salary: approximately US$300, although it is not sure if this coincides with the minimum necessary to live, since according to the interviewees the cost of living is approximately US$430. Regardless of this, the cooperative does not even apply the calculation of a minimum wage for all their employees, only to cooperative members who can’t work inside the mine due to their temporal obligation in specific functions (Directors or Supervisory boards) and the possible future associated workers who are working on trial.

On the one hand there is no guarantee that the wages received cover the minimum needs, nor is there any control that the hours per week are less than 48 hours, since the cooperative does not act as an employer, but rather as an administrative manager of the self-employment of its members.

There is also a large inequality between cooperative members and non-cooperative probationary workers (there is a minimum 1 year of external work before getting offered to become a member of the mining cooperative) . If you work under this “apprentice” system,you receive this national minimum wage for 8 hours of work, but you do not receive an increase for overtime or for working on Sunday or holiday, and it is not possible to verify if health insurance is paid by the cooperative.

It is also possible that there are infractions with the apprentice contracts and that there is an unofficial system of labor harassment by the cooperative members during the probationary year. On the positive side, the working hours of the probation workers are controlled and regulated, while the cooperative members work in a system of self-exploitation. 

The miners’ income depends entirely on luck: either they find enough metal-rich ores or they don’t.*

Wages for these workers are calculated daily. They can become more fixed after some first trial time, but this depends on the goodwill of the  person in charge of that new worker. Miners are paid based on the amount of mineral they extract, so the miners’ income depends entirely on luck: either they find enough metal-rich ores or they don’t*. Also the income levels are very untransparent: often it is around 1% of the gross value of the production in the international market, which is very low.

Payment insecurity and overtime

There is no transparent system that ensures equal remuneration amongst the cooperative workers, mainly when the production is delivered to the concentration plant on behalf of the leader of a miners crew. This leader is supposed to distribute the value equally among his/her crew, but here there is no evidence that this happens without discrimination. The crew system has another downside: because the crews are self-managed, the mechanisms for conflict resolution are dealt with within the crew. Only when cases are serious (which is also subjective), they go to the management or Supervisory Council, one of the two official upper organs in the cooperatives, together with the Board of Directors.

Working hours are extremely long for (potential) affiliates and there is a risk of involuntary overtime for all: because there is no control over work schedules there is a danger of overwork and overtime.

They mostly work 6 days a week. According to the survey 91% say that they have worked 7 days a week at some time … 33% say they work 10 hours and 16% say they work 12 hours a day. Since no one controls whether workers are working beyond their own strength, working hours could be lasting even longer than 16 hours.

Some of them argue that given the high price of minerals, they have been working sometimes 16 and 24 hours continuously, because of “their own will”. But since this “will” is linked to generating more income, you could argue that it is not necessarily “their own will”, but “forced” out of necessity. In the survey, 1 person said that they do not work voluntarily but that necessity forces them to do so.

Apparently there is also a recent obligation to work at least 15 days/month (this obligation is linked to the quota from the agreement they have with the local trading company that purchases their ore), and if they do not do so, they are sanctioned.

Next to these inconsistencies, there is large inequality between male and female workers. Women are paid much less. 50% of respondents indicate that women and men are not treated equally in the workplace. Women mostly get jobs outside of the mining galleries, as it is believed bad luck for women to enter the mines.

The women involved in Oruro’s cooperative mining activities are usually elderly widows who lost their husbands in the mines or in related activities, either young girls or single mothers with children. Active participation is limited for them, as it is traditionally believed that their presence inside the mine brings bad luck. Therefore, they mainly work outside, breaking up discarded ore blocks looking for mineral rests, or working in other fields with fewer opportunities to earn a living. In the sales process, it is mainly the women who are cheated and receive an unfair price. Many women work on an informal basis, even outside the framework of the cooperative, so they lack health insurance or a pension fund. In addition, they generally take care of the family and therefore almost always bear a double burden.*

CISEP_Concentrated mineral leaching into waters without environmental measures
CISEP_Concentrated mineral leaching into waters without environmental measures
CISEP_Acidic waters and tailings dam without safety borders
CISEP_Acidic waters and tailings dam without safety borders

Working Conditions: Health & Safety

The interviews that were conducted indicate that miners sometimes work without personal protection, even when working below 70m depth, since that lowest level is being exploited by the cooperative as a whole. It is part of the collective contribution for the cooperative, out of their traditional mining-crew system. They have to help with the common costs of the cooperative by putting their own work at least 3 days a month in this new deep gallery. So it is not only unsafe and unhealthy to work there, but they also feel forced by the cooperative management to work there as an extra, because while those days are paid, the members are required to work inside the mine besides the days they already had to work with their crew to provide for their own income.

That depth is critical because there is less O2 and higher risks for lung diseases and silicosis, among others. They have to work there a minimum of 3 times a month: if they miss 2 times they are penalized and if they miss a 3rd time they lose their affiliation paper (the certificate of contribution to the cooperative) and they have to leave the cooperative. This level is accessed by an elevator system without emergency exit systems.

The interviewees imply that there is no safety plan in place and that occupational safety and health prevention systems are almost non-existent, probably due to the lack of resources from the management. On the contrary there are safety and health officers, but their functions are related to managing accidents and subsequent events, not preventing them!

A physical check shows that the concentration plants are constructions that are more than 50 years old and that there is no proper signage and ventilation. In general there are almost no risk and hazard signs inside the mine, or they are in constant deterioration and there is no plan for replacement of these signs. 

The work inside the mine is excessively cold and humid. There is no access to drinking water in the workplace.They mention that each worker takes his/her own water for daily work. More than 75% of the respondents say they have to stand continuously, sometimes up to 6 or even 12 hours. 3/4 also note that they are exposed to strong vibrations due to rock drilling and blasting and that they have to use heavy machinery.

The drilling of the rock inside the mine is not controlled: it should be done with water to avoid the formation of mineral dust suspended in the air, but there is no water system that reaches all the sites due to the investment cost involved. 74% claim to be exposed to gases and dust from rock blasting.

CISEP_Entrance to galleries in wells without ergonomic conditions or emergency exits.
CISEP_Entrance to galleries in wells without ergonomic conditions or emergency exits.
CISEP_Wood reinforcement yielding to the weight of drilling malpractice (2)
CISEP_Wood reinforcement yielding to the weight of drilling malpractice (2)

Because of these circumstances some miners have developed silicosis (a form of occupational lung disease caused by the inhalation of dust** due to the lack of water in the mining drilling process), rheumatism (due to excess humidity inside the mine) and head tumors (because of sliding rocks inside the mine, due to a lack of reinforcement of gallery infrastructure).

91% say that chemicals are not handled properly and more than 83% claim that there is continuous exposure to unprotected toxic materials such as xanthate and arsenic and that they have been exposed to fumes from the underground, for example those generated by diesel minecarts. The lack of ventilation systems generates a lot of combustion smoke that, according to one interviewees, affects mainly the “older” miners.

66% of the miners complain about occupational safety issues. Since everyone buys their own personal protective equipment, there is no industrial safety and it is not ensured. In the description of personal protective equipment, all describe the use of hearing protectors, respirators (but without a continuous change of filters and limited to the drilling of the rock) and head and feet protection, but no one has spoken about the use of back protectors. This is especially important because the minecarts  are only present in the main galleries and from the undercuts they have to move the ore on their back in backpacks or sacks that carry a weight of about 40 kilos. There is evidence that they have to make walks of up to 30 minutes with this weight on top of them.

Within the mines there are no toilets or excreta disposal systems, therefore it is not allowed to relieve themselves inside the mine, for this they should wait for the change of shifts (7-13, 14-19).

On top of this the miners do not have clear and visible information about their rights within the cooperative: they do not receive an introduction, they lack information about their health insurance and they are poorly treated by the public health system, they are not trained in the handling of tools nor do they receive postural education, they are not taught to use personal protective equipment and so on.

Stay tuned for part II of our miniseries

This is PART I of our miniseries about the monitoring of the tin supply chain. What happens once the tin is extracted? Stay tuned for the findings about the Bolivian smelters and under which circumstances tin is imported into the EU and later on, how and when it ends up in the electronics sector.

References:

‘Greenwashing’ of the mining industry

‘Greenwashing’ of the mining industry

A warm nest, your own car and the latest smartphone; many of us are used to a life of luxury. However, continuing to meet these needs requires an energy transition. The highly acclaimed European Green Deal opens the door to ‘green’ alternatives such as electric cars and solar panels. But are these alternatives really so green and our needs so indispensable?

According to the global solidarity network YLNM (Yes to Life, no to Mining) they are not. They recently issued a press release “On the frontlines of lithium extraction” in which they sound the alarm. They particularly denounce the drastic expansion of mining in the name of green energy. Mining equals the violation of human rights and the destruction of crucial ecosystems. Anything but green.

“The EU needs to wake up and set an objective to reduce material use by two-thirds so that the European Green Deal does not become yet another footnote in the history of the destruction of the planet,” says Meadhbh Bolger of Friends of the Earth Europe.

Europe

The EU should reduce the extraction of natural resources by 65%. This is what Friends of the Earth Europe and the European Environmental Bureau (EEB) published in a recent study titled “Green mining is a myth”. Europe is already using a disproportionate amount of available natural resources. In fact, the EU’s material footprint currently stands at 14.5 tonnes per capita, approximately double what is considered a sustainable and equitable limit, and far above the global average.

Despite these revealing figures, the European Green Deal only takes mining further. The use of individual electric cars is absolutely no solution. The demand for lithium in the EU through batteries, required for electric cars, is expected to increase almost 6000% by 2050.

They come and destroy everything. They say they bring work and food. But that is only for today. Tomorrow we will be hungry again.

Empty Promises

The mining industry is often controlled by multinationals that care little about the rights of local people. In the video from the YLNM press conference, an indigenous woman says, ‘They come and destroy everything. They say they bring work and food. But that is only today. Tomorrow we will be hungry again.”

Indigenous people often set the example of a sustainable lifestyle. Yet it is precisely these communities and environments that are being abandoned in the name of ‘green’ energy. In many cases, lithium projects are forced on local communities. There is no transparency or democratic decision making. The mining industry is intertwined with local politics and often receives support from local politicians and international development organisations to promote ‘green mining’. But ‘green mining’ does not exist.

Water is worth more than lithium

Besides violating human rights, mining also destroys ecosystems.  Lithium mining and processing cause permanent and irreversible damage to water systems. The mines not only affect the watercourse and the water quality. They also fragment the landscape, rendering more sustainable livelihoods such as agriculture and tourism almost impossible. The Atacama Desert in Chile is gradually losing its last water resources due to the effects of lithium mining. Chile has half of the world’s lithium reserves and almost all of its exports are currently extracted from the Atacama Desert, the driest place in the world.

Need for behavioural change 

These are horrific findings. However, there is an alternative. Many action groups propose a number of concrete alternatives to limit mining and further damage as much as possible.

A drastic change in our habits and consumption, but also on production level, is crucial. The demand for energy and materials has to decrease significantly. This can be achieved by maximising public transport, providing alternatives to private transport and paying more attention to the repair, reuse and recycling of batteries and other products.

In addition, it is important to fully inform communities about the consequences of mining. Local communities must have the right to say no if they do not agree with the project.

Climate change should be addressed from a holistic socio-environmental justice perspective. Mining is destructive, not only ecologically but also in human terms. These elements must be recognised and policies must address them in a meaningful way.

Finally, the impunity of companies must end. Binding treaties must improve business and human rights. If they are not complied with, sanctions must follow. In order to ensure this, sensible environmental and social protection regulations are needed.

We should be aware that these ‘green’ approaches of the European Green Deal are often presented as innovations, but in reality they represent destructive models that promote an unjust and unequal transition. We must not let it get that far!

Article written by Catapista Helena Spriet

Photos by Sebastian Pichler via Unsplash

Right to Say No webinar poster

The Right to Say No: Insights and Experiences of the Global Struggle against Mining

WEBINAR:

The Right to Say No: Insights and Experiences of the Global Struggle against Mining

4th August, 2021

Last week The Thematic Social Forum on Mining and Extractive Economy explored the “Right to Say No” to mining projects all over the world during a global webinar. Speakers from four different continents were invited to speak about their own insights and experiences around the Right to Say No (RTSN).

(You can watch the full webinar on youtube here).

First up was Farai Maguwu from Zimbabwe (Centre for Natural Resource Governance – CNRG), followed by Aung Ja from Burma, Hal Rhoades from Northern Europe (Yes to Life No to Mining – YLNM) and Karina from Brazil (Movement for Popular Sovereignty in Mining – MAM).
———————————————

The Right to Say No has never been more pertinent. In the name of economic growth, mining projects are causing damage and pollution everywhere. Natural resources are being exploited and local communities are being devastated. Natural resources are being plundered and people are losing access to clean water and fertile land, which is impacting their livelihoods, health and wellbeing. The divide between rich and poor, the ones benefiting from the extractivist/capitalist model and the ones suffering from it, is getting bigger and bigger. This in a world where there has never been more wealth and abundance. On top of that there is the urgent reality of climate change, with this model pushing the bounds of our planet.

We also note the resistance of local communities who demand the ‘Right to Say No’ on these extractive activities. During the webinar, case studies from Africa, Asia, Europe and South America were presented, in which the ‘Right to Say No’ was the focus of this collective fight against mining.

"If not now, when? There is no planet B" sign black and white

We don’t have to reinvent the wheel in the fight for our common cause.  Local communities are resisting these mining projects and asserting their Right to Say No. These local actions are providing the foundation for strategies and alternatives needed to challenge the system. There are different contexts to be dealt with but we can definitely learn from each other’s struggles and victories and apply them to our own situation. As Hal pointed out during his talk, currently there is no real ‘Right’ to Say No. This is something we are asserting, not something we can (yet) claim.

 

Historical context

Many mining projects are a display of the historical hold of colonial power and foreign influence. Countries with a colonial past – for example the UK, which houses a lot of these large mining corps – are the same that are now putting pressure on more extraction projects. The end destination of the profits from these projects go to developed countries, the former colonizers, and not the countries that are the home to these resources. On top of that, Europe is also the main over-consumer of minerals and energy. Whether directly involved or not, these countries are the ones benefiting from it, while the countries from the Global South where these projects happen are the ones being exploited.

 

Current context

In certain countries there is the problem of limited democratic space because of repressive or military regimes. We heard from Farai and Aung Ja about the struggles people and communities face in Zimbabwe and Birma respectively. People in power are working hand in hand with corporations and investors from different countries (Australia, India, China, Bulgaria, UK,..) against their own population. The people face eviction from their lands and violence or punishments if they stand up for their rights. Protesting these actions of governments and mining corporations is an act of courage in the face of these threats.
The current European Green Deal also poses a big problem as it will incentivize and support mining expansion (read more on this subject here).

 

Common Ground

We need to be plural and refrain from taking a one size fits all approach (which is an extractive, capitalist idea) – to each situation there is a specific context. The RTSN movement is a heterogeneous collection of organizations, people and cultures. But there are certain principles that give the variety of organizations that are a part of the movement common ground (derived from Hal’s presentation):

  •  Questioning the nature of democracy: who benefits, who shoulders the burdens long term? Who defines where mining takes place, who decides the value, who benefits and who suffers…? 
  • Rejection of the instrumental relations with nature: “Nature” is a much better term than “environment” or “natural resources” as it has integrity. Right to say no is premised on ensuring quality of life
  • Advocating for local, low-impact ways of life.
  • Challenging the extractivist and growth oriented meta-politics or narratives.

 

Demands

 (As derived from Aung Ja and Karina’s talk.)

  • Firm and strong regulation of corporations on behalf of the people; we demand no harm to people, planet and our social wellbeing and livelihoods.
  • Affirmation of the society and not the interest of the state and the capital, there needs to be a people centered governance. Communities need to have authority and sovereignty. They decide what is best socially and culturally for their lifestyles. They must control their natural resources/common goods and not the governments. Because it impacts their livelihoods and their future generations.
  • A just transition and full restitution. Compensation for the degradation of the territories. The process of restitution must include the responsibility of the state and the corporations. They have to be held accountable. The transition must be diverse in how to approach this on many levels.
  • Mining free territories: If certain areas are classified as protected areas no mining should be able to go ahead. Same goes for respecting indigenous land rights.
Protester on street blowing a whistle

A rich repertoire of strategies and interventions

Here you can explore some strategies and interventions that can be utilized to assert the RTSN (collected from the different speakers). A lot of these strategies can be combined into a larger strategy (or are a necessary step eg. doing research). Keeping in mind that there are different contexts (political, cultural, …) to be accounted for that will determine which ones you use.

 

Research

Farai proposes that the first intervention is doing research: who is involved, who is going to be affected, what are going to be the likely environmental impacts, and so on.

 

Documentation, evidence and argument

It’s important to document the struggles, to document what is going on and spread this information so we can learn from each other. We need more research and documentation of the current cases. To ask ourselves what could support the RTSN campaign? An idea could be to develop a model legislation/process that could be adapted to the local/regional levels.

 

Document reviews

The environmental impact assessments that mining companies put on the table are often fraudulent documents, so there is a need to investigate those. Also in certain cases people are being tricked to meetings, signing an attendance register which is later used as a consent form.

Capacity building

Building the capacity of the people and communities. Educating them about their rights.

“Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” – Nelson Mandela

 

Popular Consultations/Referendum

We heard Faraj talk about this strategy, and we know this is also used in Latin American countries. It is rarely used in Europe, but there has been a case in Trun, Bulgaria where a gold project was rejected successfully and unanimously.

 

The Legal Process

The Legal framework is often in favor of corporations, but there are also certain loopholes in laws or constitutions that can be used to our advantage. This can often be used as a delaying strategy to give some breathing space to other strategies. We can also work on fixing the laws and loopholes the corporations are using.

 

Declaring the Rights of Nature/Community

We heard the example of Ireland / Greencastle, where the community and local governments declared the rights of Nature to apply and put this in local legislation. As mining is not compatible with the Rights of Nature. 

 

Petitioning

Petitioning parliament to intervene and hold fact finding missions. Farai explained they do this by going to the affected community, raise a campaign and reach out to the media. Then the parliament is left with no choice but to intervene and they are forced to listen to the complaints and recognize the rights of communities.

 

Direct Action

We can use our bodies by placing ourselves in between – this is the most visceral and dangerous form of strategy.

Turkish woman with walking stick standing in front of police barricade

This powerful photo was shared on the day of action by allies in Turkey for the #GlobalDayAgainstMegaMining. Communities in the Kaz Mountains are resisting gold mining companies from deforestation and digging up their lands.


We can ourselves stop (or pressure our country to stop) investing by not committing trade, and by applying sanctions and boycotts. For example in regards to the current situation in Burma (or other repressive regimes) until there is a democracy that at least respects human rights.


Make it public

  • Hold public meetings, demonstrations or protests to drive media attention and create awareness in the public mind to what is happening. Mobilize public opinion in our favor.
  • Secure support of prominent, highly credible and influential leaders. These can be judges, political leaders, or even corporative leaders. Without compromising our fundamental principles.

 

Use the Media Creatively

  • Use the media: hold your own media campaign. Identify journalists who can amplify the community struggles so local can go global in terms of media awareness. We are no longer weak, voiceless or faceless. Defend the press and media from authoritarian governments.
  • Popularize our struggles using media (traditional, mainstream and social media). Harness the power of the internet and the digital lifestyle. Reaching millennials. Youth must. Inform and educate mainstream media why RTSN is important.

 

Solidarity strengthens

  • Exercise and enhance solidarity, building big national and international networks and alliances. We need an international movement to amplify our struggles. Popular community organization and permanent actions of solidarity that strengthen emancipation are essential.

“Solidarity was the movement that turned the direction of history, I think.” – Jeane Kirkpatrick 

 

  • Putting international pressure on repressive governments, fe. the Bolsonaro regime in Brazil. Popular engagement and organization is so important in these situations.

Company Engagement

  •  In Selkie (Finland) the community contacted multiple companies that were prospecting the area and told them “we reject this outright so save your money and go away”. This worked in their case but it has a very specific context.
  • Holding community engagements meetings between communities, corporations and governments.

Propose alternatives

There are better options possible that are already currently existent or that exist as potential opportunities. We can’t continue in the same way as has been happening in the patriarchal capitalist system. There is small-scale farming, fishing, eco or nature based tourism. Karina also proposes to use the inputs of women and youth, to employ their creativity for coming up with new economic alternatives and ways of living.
Restoration of nature can provide new options for people. Nature recovery is so necessary. Good examples are Finland or Northern-Spain.

Check out some examples of community-led post-extractive ‘alternatives’.

“The environment and the economy are really both two sides of the same coin. If we cannot sustain the environment, we cannot sustain ourselves” – Wangari Maathai 

 

Challenging the narrative

  • We need to call out the narratives that are being told. Pointing out the irony in justifying demolishing rural communities that are already low-impact and sustainable in the name of climate action and so-called ‘sustainability’.
  • Calling out the Green Deal’s greenwashing tactics. RTSN as a response to the green washing narrative.
  • Questioning the ‘economic recovery of Covid’ story. Often this is used as a reason to start up mining projects as a way to reactivate the economy.
  • Mining happens because there is demand that comes from the growth narrative. We need to move towards a narrative based on wellbeing instead of the illusion of continuous growth.
  • Nature is being reduced to commodifiable minerals. There is a clash between short term, instrumentalist view of nature as a collection of dead commodities to be extracted for the greater good. We need a longer-term vision of Nature which is holistic and takes in account the  cultural and spiritual relations with a territory.
  • Understanding free territory not just as a physical space free from extraction and mining. But also the non-material reality of the territory. The full spectrum. The bodies, spirit, culture, ways of living and thinking.

“We don’t inherit the earth, we borrow it from our children.” – Chief Seattle 

We hope you got some inspiration from this collection of strategies and interventions collected from the different speakers from The Right to Say No Global Webinar!

You can check out the final declaration of the Thematic social Forum on Mining and the Extractivist Economy who organized the webinar  here.

If you have some other interventions or tactics that can be useful feel free to share them with us in the comments, via the contact form or e-mail info@catapa.be