Earlier we shared the sad news that Johan Ferney Aguilar González was murdered on September 3rd. The day after, his father, don Wilder Antonio Aguilar Rodríguez, filed charges against the Canadian multinational Mirandagold for making threats directed at himself and his family. Wilder is the social leader of Vereda Santa Filomena, a community within the village of Falan in Colombia, which opposes mining in their habitat and is currently trying to stop the multinational’s exploratory works on their territory through legal procedures.
Up until today no one has been charged for the murder. The investigation is still ongoing, but for the residents of Santa Filomena it is clear who is behind it. In an interview with Luis Carlos Barrero, a volunteer at our partner organization Comité Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida de Tolima, Wilder talks about the impact of the murder on his family and his community. Which is of course huge. His family is torn apart by grief and there is a lot of fear in the community and far beyond. But despite it all, Wilder continues to fight for a better future for his community. Watch the interview below.
Interview Wilder
As if all of this wasn’t enough, Wilder again faced serious threats. His family is still not left alone. The Colombian government is clearly not doing enough to protect environmental and human rights defenders. Together with our partners, we demand that the national authorities and president Petro take urgent measures to protect the lives of Wilder and his family.
The Colombian state has a duty to protect these freedoms of all Colombians. Read the denunciation of our partners and their demand for justice following the new threats here: Comunicado a la opinión pública (in Spanish).
Would you like to support communities like Falan?
Are you moved by what you read and wondering how you can contribute to this fight? One very real thing you can do today is making a donation to make the Right To Say No campaign!
Our donors supported a partner exchange week of CATAPA in the fall of 2023 in Ecuador. This was a week of knowledge, concrete practical skill and strategy sharing between affected communities on preventing mining projects from entering and on dealing with the impacts of the presence of mining companies on their lands. The gathering strengthened communities in their local fight and forces bonds and alliances that ensure a united struggle to protect their Right To Say No to mining in the Andes region.
We are sorry to share the news of the assassination ofJohan Ferney Aguilar González. He was a Colombian environmental defender and also the son of Wilder Antonio Aguilar Rodríguez, who is a social leader and environmental defender in the neighborhood of Santa Filomena, municipality of Falan, Colombia.
Johan Ferney was killed on the 3nd of September, hours after a public hearing of the National Mining Agency, where both he and his father were present among 700 others. In the public hearing his father made a public complaint about death threats he had received prior related to the resistance against the mining project of Miranda Gold.
This tragic event is a direct attack on those who have fought tirelessly to defend their rights and their land against the interests of companies operating in the region. This act is a threat to defenders of territory and human rights and a warning to all those who oppose the interests of corporate powers.
Together with our Colombian partners we demand justice:
We demand an impartial investigation to be developed on this act of violence, in order to ensure that it does not go unpunished.
We demand that the environmental authorities, especially the National Mining Agency, sanctions all mining activities until guarantees of peace and protection are given to the entire community.
We make an urgent call to the local, regional and national authorities to provide protection and security to the leaders who are committed to the struggle for justice and the protection of their territory from powerful economic interests.
We ask the international community to demand from the Colombian government to protect the lives and personal integrity of the leaders and communities who fight to protect their territories.
We demand for the respect of human rights and the safety of those who dedicate themselves to the defense of their communities and the land that belongs to them.
CATAPA follows the case of Falan for a while now. Read here more about Falan, where multinational mining companies (among them Miranda Gold) are exploring the wider region to start with their big scale mining projects while environmental defenders are rising up to protect their lands. As described in this article with a focus on Falán, death treads are a common practice used by multinational mining companies to force a community to comply with their plans. We are disturbed and saddened that these death threats have been followed with the actual murder of Johan Ferney. With his death the people of Falan are suffering the enormous loss of a family and community member. We send our thoughts and strength to them.
📢 Catapa denounces the murder of the son of the territorial and anti-mining defender Wilder Aguilar. This event occurred hours after Aguilar made a public complaint about death threats related to the resistance against the mining project of Miranda Gold.https://t.co/5lHxcwOSui
Losing the fight against mining would mean… displacement, death, it would be turning the mountains inside out. It would be the disappearance of the ancestral oral culture. It would put many people in a very bad scenario, people fighting for their survival, for where they live. It would be… to lose the Magdalena River, it would be to lose the Gualí River, it would be to lose endemic species – the frog, the orchid. People would be left with nothing. The people, the animals, the forest… It would be to lose… to lose… to lose it all. To lose it all. – Osiris Ocampo, Falán –
It all started some 400 years ago, when the Spanish discovered valuable metals in the mountains of what is now Falán, a Colombian village of 8,000 inhabitants. They opened mines with the aim of exporting as much gold as possible to Europe. These mines were exploited by colonial rule for hundreds of years, after which they were still managed by the British from 1890-1920. The impact on the local community and ecology were what is commonly known of mining: pollution, social disruption and poverty. There is (sadly) more gold to be discovered in Falán’s territory. Three multinationals are hoping to start their projects soon. This time via open pit mining, a form of extraction with much more social and environmental impact than the previous underground mining projects by the Spanish and the British. But resistance is strong. If it were up to the environmentalists in Falán, these projects would not go ahead and the colonization of Falán would stop right now.
The Lost City – a memory of Spanish colonization
Anyone who has heard of the village of Falán, located in the north of Tolima province, Colombia, probably also knows their Ciudad Perdida, or the Lost City. This is the village’s main tourist attraction where you can discover a beautiful piece of nature by foot, ziplining or wall-climbing. Definitely worth a visit!
But the place has a dark past. You can visit ruins of the Santa Ana gold and silver mines and the adjacent village, both of which saw the light of day during theSpanish colonization in the 17th century. The territory was previously populated by indigenous communities, who were driven out of their territories or employed in the mines after the arrival of the Spanish. The mines were the direct property of the king of Spain, who called for the implementation of the projects and received the mined gold and silver with open arms. In Falán, on the other hand, both the indigenous community and a beautiful piece of nature were wiped off the map. This was the start of a colonial period that continues today.
The village of Santa Ana (now Falán) was founded, and inhabited by Spanish mining workers, and over many decades kilometers of tunnels were dug into the mountains in search of high concentrations of gold and silver.
Recession after English mines
After the war of independence, the concessions for the mines were given to British companies and operated again for decades, until the 1920s. At various sites in Falán and Frías (a municipal district attached to Falán), old mines were reactivated and new ones opened. Miles of new tunnels were dug in the mountains to engage in underground mining.
The inhabitants of Falán and Frías do not keep fond memories of this period. The stories that come back include dead ‘quebradas’, which are gorges between two mountains through which a water source runs. Due to pollution and water consumption from British mines 100 years ago, animal life is barely detectable in those places today.
Another story that recurs again and again is the story of economic recession and social problems as a result of mining. After the companies decided to stop mining for not being profitable enough, the entire village went through a difficult period. After 40 years of mining, the inhabitants had become very dependent on mining and therefore a sudden closure was accompanied by recession and social disruption. Temporary economic growth and job opportunities in the region were quickly exchanged for a long period of poverty and economic recovery. Those are the stories that still circulate in the village, where the vast majority of residents now depend again on agriculture. This is a slightly more stable form of income, but the region still suffers from a high poverty rate.
Moreover, because of this strong agricultural history, the inhabitants of Falán and Frías do not see themselves as miners – after all, the mines were always colonial and managed by occupiers. Just like the colonial period 400 years earlier, the exploitation of foreign mining companies brought a lot of problems to Falán. The mined gold was exported, while they left the impacts in Colombia. This shows striking similarities with the Spanish colonisation 400 years earlier.
A neoliberal course
More recently, Colombian economic policies and specifically changes in land-use policies are also indicative of the livelihoods and well-being of rural farmers today. Historically, the vast majority of Colombia’s population has been campesinos or farmers living off agriculture, cattle ranching, fishing, or artisanal mining, settled in remote and often hard-to-reach places in relatively autonomous communities. Since the 1950s, Colombian economic policy has focused on shaping the economy more ‘effectively’ by driving peasant families off their land so that large industrial farms and (more recently) monocultures can take their place. The history of this economic policy is bloody. Many campesinos were driven out or killed so that their land would become available. In addition, this economic policy was one of the causes of the protracted civil war, and many campesinos were victims of the violence between the guerrillas and the state. Many were dispossessed of their land and their lives in the countryside.
In the 1990s and 2000s, under pressure from international organisations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, Colombia’s economy (and mining sector) was neoliberalised. Companies were privatised, regulations weakened, and the sector opened up to the international free-market economy. As in the rest of South America, and many other ‘poor’ or ‘underdeveloped’ countries, extraction was henceforth done by multinational companies from ‘rich’ countries. They pocket by far most of the profits, pay little tax to the Colombian state (which should lead to ‘development’), while the local population is merely left with the immense environmental, social and economic impact, with no say in their own future. International neoliberal policies, and consequently the arrival of multinational mining companies, is another chapter in the long history of imperialism that dispossessed peasants of their land, and destroyed their economic resources, health, peace, and lives.
Colonisation in the year 2023
The story is not over yet. Once again, there is interest from other countries in the territory. Three multinationals were granted permits to explore 36,000 hectares for precious metals. This time with the aim of starting open pit mining, a form of extraction that is many times more disruptive to the wider region than the underground tunnel mining that previously took place in Falán. This is because in this type of mining, as the name insinuates, the entire mountain, including the ecosystem, is transformed into a ‘pit’ – a large dead hole where there used to be life. It also requires an enormous amount of water, uses a large amount of hazardous chemicals, and creates a lot of toxic waste.
Among the Falán residents there are justified concerns. Exploration alone raises concerns, as this involves drilling holes 200 metres deep into the ground in the wider area, affecting underground water flows and disrupting life on land. In Líbano, a village some 25km southwest of Falán, many farmers were forced to leave after the opening of the mine led to water scarcity. For a community largely dependent on agriculture, water and healthy soil are recurring concerns. Proud farmers talk about how fertile the soil is in this region, and how much of a future there is for, for example, organic farming of cocoa, coffee, guanabana, maís, yuca, avocado, … The list is endless. For many, being a farmer is not just a profession, but an identity and a way of life. What is threatened by mining exploration is not just their source of income, but the way of life they have built in and with their land. What is threatened is their home, and who they are.
They also express concerns for biodiversity. The area of Falán contains special animal species that are only found in that region, including some bird species and also the ‘rana morada’ or purple frog. The loss of these species, and so too any species that have not yet been discovered, is also a driver of protest. All these reasons come together. The concerns for water and healthy soil needed for their production, the development of an economic dependency, the disruption of biodiversity, and the destruction of their beautiful habitat are summed up in the words of Osiris Ocampo from Falán. “I think the main reason [for resistance] is love. The love for the territory”.
A divided people
However, not everyone in Falán is concerned. Small-scale agricultural practices do not earn a lot of money in Colombia, prices of fruits and vegetables are low while growing them involves hard work. Farmers are also highly taxed and receive no support from the government. These factors, together with the high poverty rate, makes many look forward to the new job opportunities that companies promise them.
In vereda Cabandia (a vereda is a district within a municipality) for example environmentalists Damaris and Nicolas stand alone in their fight against the impending projects. They attribute their neighbours’ support to successful bribery practices by the companies on the one hand, but also the low level of education and lack of access to information on the impact of mining. Their vereda is furthest away from the village center where the local school is located. Therefore, many children do not attend school and education levels are in general very low there.
But there are other veredas, such as vereda Santa Filimena, which chose to not support mining. No family there gives permission to the companies to drill holes on their land, and collectively they agreed not to work for the mining companies, who already recruit several residents for the exploration work they’re currently performing.
Propaganda in the backpack
However, the propaganda machine is running at full speed. The mining companies in Falán go far in convincing the population of their projects. Multinational Mirandagold is the front-runner in Falán regarding bribery strategies. Farmers there have already been given machetes, food and money as gifts. The company also donated an ambulance to the local hospital. They even created a special game for the children in Falán on Halloween, through which they could win tablets. The company sponsors festivals, Christmas lights and fun activities. Other children were given toys with the company logo in their backpack through the school. And the management of the Cuidad Perdida reserve reveived gifts such as liquor, food, and invitations to meetings with people in charge of the project. However, they did not allow themselves to be bribed and declined the offer. A company that goes to such lengths to convince the population seems to be hiding something sinister… Read more about strategies used by mining companies to push through their projects here.
Resistance and alternatives
But the Falánese will not let themselves be defeted! Supported by the Colectivo Ambiental Falán y Frías and the regional Committee Ambiental en Defensa de la Vida, protests are organised regularly. Despite of intimidation and threats. Several protesters already received intimidating visits from employees of the multinationals, and one of them was even threatened with death by the local police after participating in a protest. But even that does not stop them. Among the activists, it sounds unequivocal: we don’t want to repeat Falán’s history again.
They envisage a very different kind of Falán. A Falán where mining can only be seen in the colonial ruins in the Cuidad Perdida. Where ecotourism flourishes and agriculture is reappraised.
What next?
What’s next? The next municipal elections will matter. Only one candidate, Miguel Rubio, is outspoken against the mining projects. Through his own social media channels, he has been protesting against the emerging plans and raising awareness about the impact of mining for years. So the elections in October will be decisive.
What Falán currently needs, according to Luis Barreto Jimenez of the local environmental committee, can be summed up in three words: organisation, education and campaigning. ‘We need to organise and unify the detached environmentalists and send correct information about the impact of mining Falán and Frías through streamlined campaigns, to counter the companies’ propaganda machines.’
This is currently being in process! Together with Catapa, for example, funds are being raised to work on this on a project-by-project basis. The battle is not over yet!
This article is the result of a research project carried out by volunteers from CATAPA’s study and lobby working group in collaboration with Colectivo Ambiental Falán y Frías and Willo Molenaar, anthropologist.
Would you like to contribute too?
Are you moved by what you read and wondering how you can contribute to this fight? One very real thing you can do today is making a donation to make the Right To Say No Andes gathering happen!
This gathering is the sixth edition of the partner exchange week of CATAPA in the fall of 2023 in Ecuador: This is a week of knowledge, concrete practical skill and strategy sharing between affected communities on preventing mining projects from entering and on dealing with the impacts of the presence of mining companies on their lands. The gathering strengthens communities in their local fight and forces bonds and alliances that ensure a united struggle to protect their Right To Say No to mining in the Andes region.
We, the undersigned organisations, express our support and solidarity for the ongoing “Quito Sin Minería” campaign to hold a Consultar Popular (a popular referendum) on all forms of metallic mining in the Metropolitan District of Quito (MDQ) and the Chocó Andino region.
15 Days of Protests, 40 People Killed, More Than 400 Disappeared: The Colombian Government Responds with Extractivism
After 15 Days of demonstrations and 40 homicides caused by police in Colombia, the government of Iván Duque presents a bill to strengthen the investment of those who intend to exploit gold in the Paramo de Santurbán.
Fifteen days of demonstrations have passed in Colombia against tax policies aimed at taxing the basic family food basket, even though the minimum wage of Colombians is below US$260 per month, and the unemployment rate in the pandemic has increased by 14%. There are currently 1 million more unemployed than at the beginning of the pandemic in 2020.
The government has invested money in war, and announced the purchase of 24 war planes costing more than 4.5 billion dollars, despite the fact that the figures for police abuses in the protests are on the rise, with more than 40 demonstrators killed and some 500 people missing. Congressman Wilson Arias has denounced the purchase of more than 14 billion pesos in weapons for the ESMAD (Mobile Anti-Disturbance Squadron), the police used to repress protest in Colombia.
Colombia is literally in flames, the national press is biased, the information is manipulated, the alternative press is violated in the streets, even a journalist has had a grenade thrown at his head according to the denunciation of the FLIP (Foundation for Freedom of the Press).
…the Colombian government continues to strengthen it’s relationship with the government of the United Arab Emirates, a government that… has a controversial investment in the exploitation of GOLD and polymetals in the ecosystem of the Páramo de Santurbán, in northeastern Colombia.
The southwest of the country, where the strongest demonstrations are concentrated, has suffered power outages and the blocking of internet networks, making it impossible to broadcast the lives of the abuses occurring in the area. There has also been the appearance of civilians dressed in white clothes who call themselves “good citizens”, these people are heavily armed and there is no one to stop them, the police have escorted them on several occasions.
Not enough with this, on May 11, the national government has decided to propose bills 296 and 312 of 2020, through which the agreement signed between the Colombian government and the government of the Arab Emirates for the elimination of double taxation with respect to income and the prevention of tax evasion and avoidance and its protocols, signed in Dubai on November 12, 2017, would be approved.
This means that the Colombian government continues to strengthen the relationship with the government of the United Arab Emirates, a government that so far has a controversial investment in Colombia and it is about the exploitation of GOLD and polymetals in the ecosystem of the Páramo de Santurbán, in northeastern Colombia.
This ecosystem supplies the water supply for more than 2,500,000 people in Santander and Norte de Santander, a department that borders Venezuela. For the past 10 years, citizens have been demonstrating against this type of projects, and to date, 3 mega-mining projects have been stopped in the Páramo de Santurbán.
MINESA has encountered the same panorama as the previous investors in Colombia: a people that reject mega-mining exploitation
Two attempts by the multinational Greystar, one for open-pit mining and for which its environmental license application was denied. And the second, where the same company changed its name to ECO ORO and presented a subway mining megaproject in the same place where it had presented the previous application. The company has encountered opposition from the public. Its project goes against the principles of environmental protection in Colombian law, and in response to the denial of the company’s request, it has decided to sue the Colombian State before ICSID (World Bank) for more than US$764 million.
The third project corresponds precisely to that of the United Arab Emirates with its company MINESA, which belongs to the subsidiary of the sovereign wealth fund of the Emirate State: MUBADALA. MINESA has encountered the same panorama as the previous investors in Colombia: a people that rejects the mega-mining exploitation in Colombia and especially in the high mountains of the strategic ecosystems that supply water for the human consumption of 80% of the Colombian population.
So in January 2021 the National Environmental Licensing Authority (ANLA) has decided to archive this application for polymetallic exploitation, but the decision goes far beyond a technical equation of experts who consider totally risky and unfeasible a project of this scale in an ecosystem as fragile as the Páramos in Colombia.
It is not “only” the 9 million ounces of gold and other metals to be exploited by the Emirati prince’s fund. The decision is political. Previous Colombian governments (Alvaro Uribe Velez, Juan Manuel Santos) have made apparently “disinterested” transactions with the government of the United Arab Emirates, the most recent ones: a donation of 10 million dollars for economic reactivation in Colombia or the exorbitant sum of 150 tablets to “reduce the digital gap” in Colombia, a country with more than 50 million inhabitants.
Citizen complaints also go beyond ecosystem protection. So far, there is a regulatory vacuum regarding the delimitation of these ecosystems, and Santurbán specifically is not delimited. The scope of the environmental liabilities is not clear, nor is there any guarantee that the project will not impact the numerous populations living further downstream.
In Colombia, since April 28, 2021, a National Strike has been taking place against tax policies. The government has decided to tax the basic food basket in the middle of a pandemic, despite the fact that unemployment has increased by 14%.
Official figures state that in March 2020 there were 2,969,000 people unemployed, in March 2021 there are 3,437,000 unemployed people according to DANE.
The minister in charge and who proposed this tax reform, has been involved in millionaire corruption scandals in Colombia, and after 5 days of continuous strike, he resigned. Despite these scandals, he has been nominated as a candidate to be president of the Development Bank of Latin America – CAF.
Due to citizen pressure, the vice minister of finance Juan Alberto Londoño also resigned from his position. However he was immediately appointed as the new minister of commerce in Colombia.
The government has announced the withdrawal of the document proposing this tax reform, but as of today, it is still in the Colombian congressional system (which would approve it), filed as an Urgent request.
The Colombian government and security forces have been condemned by both the European Union and the United Nations for the ongoing human rights abuses against protestors, social movements and civil society who have taken to the street to oppose the tax policies.
Learn about the struggle against extractivism in Colombia through our ‘Escuela de Primavera’.
This year CATAPA are hosting a new online spring school which will include a series of online sessions with front line defenders and scientists from Colombia. The ‘Escuela de Primavera’ aims to inform the participants on the specific struggles of various regions and peoples in Colombia.
We will learn why communities are fighting in resistance, how they are organised and what we can do to contribute.
10 Ways CATAPA Took on the Mining Industry in 2020
Its been a challenging year across the world with the Covid-19 pandemic not least for communities facing down mining projects trying to exploit the situation we now find ourselves in.
Despite these new challenges here are 10 Ways CATAPA Took on the Mining Industry in 2020:
1. Uncovering the exploitation of Bolivian miners in European supply chains
In 2020 CATAPA produced a research article uncovering how the rare metal Indium exchanges hands without being paid for, as it travels through the supply chain, from Bolivian mines into the hands of European Industry. This followed up the first investigation on polymetal mining in Bolivia earlier in 2020 which assessed the impacts of mining in the region of Oruro. The research mapped the local and regional actors involved in the Bolivian supply chain, to better understand what “Making ICT Fair” could look like in a Bolivian context.
2. Supporting the #WhoIsKillingThem Campaign
Colombia is the most dangerous region worldwide for people defending the environment. This is why CATAPA, led by CATAPA Colombia activists launched the campaign called #WhoIsKillingThem to raise awareness about the impacts of mining and the increasing number of environmental and social activists being assassinated in Colombia.
3. Empowering Water Guardians in Peru
The ‘Guardianxs del Agua’ project involved providing water monitoring training to 5 local ‘water committees’, whose fresh water sources are in danger from current and potential mining projects in Cajarmarca, Peru. The series of workshops and trainings provided the “Guardians of Water” with the capabilities to better identify any signs of contamination and document the quality and quantity of local water supplies.
A social media campaign called “Guardianxs del Agua”, drew attention to the work of the water monitoring committees and the importance of protecting these last sources of clean water. The campaign also raised national attention around a new law proposal, which would protect environmental committees. The project and campaign ended with the publication of a short documentary Guardianxs del Agua.
4. Hosting an International Webinar Series on sustainable and responsible electronic supply chains
In 2017, eleven European partners joined forces to create the project “Make ICT Fair – Reforming manufacture and minerals supply chains through policy, finance and public procurement”. Organized by CATAPA, the Make ICT Fair international webinar series drew hundreds of participants from multiple continents with the aim to improve the lives of workers and local communities impacted along the ICT supply chain through research, capacity building and campaigning.
5. Adapting mining activism during a Pandemic
CATAPA’s largest annual event, the Open Min(e)d Speakers Tour, included guest speakers from Hong Kong, Ecuador and Colombia before being moved online by the start of the pandemic. 2020’s changemaker trajectory saw 30 changemakers complete our tailed programme on Extractivism, Degrowth and Buen Vivir with various trainings, including on how to run impactful social media campaigns.
Partnering with universities Catapistas gave lectures to students on issues such as resource conflicts and human rights violations in Latin America. Every year CATAPA supervises several students writing their thesis about mining related issues & ICT procurement and ‘Thesis 4 Bolivia” provided a space for graduates and researchers to share their experiences of conducting research abroad.
2020 also brought new opportunities as CATAPA delved into the world of Deep Sea Mining with a webinar and the formation of an action group. Once the first wave subsided, covid safe Summer’s End Sessions were created, allowing the Catapistas to further build and develop the movements strategy for 2021.
CATAPA put on Doculatino and Cinema Peru, an online series of film screenings which highlighted the stories of the featured communities impacted by extractive industries. Bar Circular saw hundreds tune into a series of ICT workshops taking place online, covering topics on digital health, repair and how to extend the lifespan of your digital devices.
6. Challenging the European Commission’s Green Mining Agenda
CATAPA joined over 230 civil society organisations, community platforms and academics in releasing an open letter to call on the European Commission to urgently reassess its plans to drive a new resource grab both in the EU and the global South.
Instead of expanding and repatriating mining destruction which will threaten communities, biodiversity & the planetary life support systems – we called for:
1. Absolute reduction of resource use and demand in Europe
2. Recognition and respect for communities’ Right to Say No to mining
3. Enforcement of existing EU environmental law and respect for conservation areas
4. An end to exploitation of Global South nations, and respect for human rights
5. Protection of ‘ new frontiers’ – like the deep sea- from mining.
7. Raising the profile of ‘El Tingo’
The community of El Tingo is one of the most affected by mining in Cajamarca (Peru), as the community is located between two mining projects. Despite mining companies Gold Fields and Coimolache signing social agreements with the community, the mining projects brought the community water contamination, loss of agriculture and livestock, property destruction, heavy metals in the blood of the community members and empty promises of work in the mines.
We secured social-cultural organizational status, allowing us to increase the number of paid staff we have and finance more exciting projects and initiatives from 2021 onwards. This was really important to secure structural funding especially in the current economic context – allowing us to carry on fighting for a socially and ecologically just planet.
9. Piloting worker led monitoring of the mining industry
CATAPA entered into a new partnership in 2020, which will see the extension of worker-driven monitoring of mining operations across three continents. CATAPA supported the delivery of monitoring trainings with Electronics Watch and CISEP to start building the local foundations needed to begin the monitoring of Bolivian Tin mines. The end goal of worker driven monitoring of these mines, will be an important step-change in the transparency of these global supply chains.
10. Encouraging Public and Private bodies to clean up their ICT
The links between mining and ICT products are clear. The average smartphone contains 60 different elements, many of which are metals. Without the extraction of metals many of the technologies used in offices across Belgium would not exist. This year the Fair ICT Flanders project set up a learning network with 30 large buyers of ICT hardware and actively supported 6 pilot organisations in Flanders to make their purchasing policies more sustainable. The first Fair ICT Award was given to the KU Leuven. They were recognized for their commitment to ‘ Human Rights Due Diligence’ and life extension of their ICT devices. In this way, they hold the ICT industry accountable and contribute to less (over)consumption and mining.’
If you want to get involved in CATAPA’s activism and find out more about what we have in store for 2021, you can contact us to sign up for email updates here – and if you can afford it, please donate to support our efforts to stop mining here.
Environmental Defenders are Being Assassinated in Colombia
We are activists of the organisation Catapa, which supports communities in Latin America in their resistance against extractivism. Our most important mission in Belgium is to raise awareness about the origin of nonrenewable resources (like metals), as well as the social and environmental consequences of mining.
As part of Catapa Colombia, we are also closely collaborating with different grassroot organisations in the country, in an attempt to support them as much as we can. In the last few months, especially after the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic, some really worrying news has been reaching us and we feel we cannot remain indifferent.
The most recent report of the British NGO Global Witness “Defending Tomorrow” revealed that in 2019 alone, 64 environmental activists have been murdered in Colombia, because of protecting their land, their communities and their natural environment. This number is the highest Global Witness has ever recorded in the country, which makes Colombia the most dangerous region worldwide for people defending the environment. The situation has not improved over the last months: In the week of the 21st of October in just two days four social leaders were killed.
The violations towards environmental defenders and their territories should come to an end.
For these reasons we have decided to launch a campaign called #WhoIs KillingThem to raise awareness about the impacts of mining and the increasing number of environmental and social activists being assassinated in Colombia. This campaign starts at the beginning of November 2020 and will end in January 2021. It will include seminars, online events, posts on social media and public actions.
If you are interested in learning more, please check out our current agenda here.
We hope you will join us in raising awareness and standing in solidarity with the environmental defenders on the frontlines.
Anybody interested in collaborating with us as a volunteer or participating in our events can follow us or send us a private message on Facebook and Twitter (@CatapaColombia), as well as write us an email (colombia@catapa.be).
You can also join to our informative WhatsApp Group through the following link
Joins us already this week on 12. November!
Online Cooking Evening “ArePaZ” where the Colombian activist Dayana will teach you how to make traditional arepas while she talks about the current situation for environmental defenders in Colombia.
News comes and goes. With social media as the main outlet for civil society organizations in Colombia to get their stories heard, a story can be famous for a day after which it disappears in the mass information. Mines & Territory aims to register and share these stories for longer than just a viral thread. Mines & Territory collects the most remarkable events that have occurred in the past month regarding extractivist matters in Colombia and summarizes them in English so that the information is accessible to anyone interested and raises awareness internationally to the current eco-socio realities in Colombia.
Collection, summary and edition by Jonas Adriaensens, Karlijn Van Den Broeck and Dayana Corzo.
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